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THE LIFE 

GEORGE WASHINGTON^ 

COMMANDER IN CfflEF 

OF THE 

ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA* 

THROUGHOUT THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED 
THEIR INDEPENDENCE, 

AND 

FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
BY DAVID ilAMSAY, M. D. 

Author of the History of the American Revolution. 



r^A j^jfL. 



REVlSEDlLNM ENLARGED 



BY WM. GRIMSHAW, 

Author of a History of the United States, &c, &c. 



BALTIMORE, 




PUBLISHED BY JOSEPH JEWETT, AND GUSHING «fe SONS. 

Stereotyped by L. Johnson, Philad. 



1832. 






OO" For the convenience of schools, in which only a small por- 
tion of a class-book is read by each scholar in succession, the para- 
graphs in this biography, when long, have been divided into sections 
of about ten lines, by a dash ( — ) ; a mode considered preferable to 
the usual ungrammatical practice of making several distinct para- 
graphs out of one. 



/^f/ 



Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1832, by 
Joseph Jewett, Joseph Gushing, Joseph Cushing, jun., and John 
CusHiNG, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District «f 
Maryland. 

2 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

George Washington's birth, family, and education. His mission to the 
French commandant on the Ohio, in 1753. His miUtary operations 
as an officer of Virginia, from 1754 to 1758, and his subsequent 
employments, to the commencement of the American revolu- 
tion, - - . - - . Page 7 

CHAPTER n. 

Retrospect of the origin of the American revolutionary war. Of George 
Washington as member of Congress, in 1774 and 1775. As com- 
mander-in-chief of the armies of the United Colonies in 1775 and 
1776, and his operations near Boston, in these years, - Page 24 

CHAPTER HI. 

Campaign of 1776. — Of the operations of General Washington in New 
York and New Jersey. The battle on Long Island. The retreat 
from York Island, and through New Jersey. The battles of Trenton 
and Princeton, - - - - Page 34 

CHAPTER IV. 

Campaign of 1777. — Of the operations of General Washington in New 
Jersey and Pennsylvania, in tlie campaign of 1777. The battles of 
Brandywine and Germantown. Washington is advised by the Rev. 
Jacob Duche to give up the contest. The distresses of the American 
army. Its winter-quarters at Valley Forge, General Vt ashington is 
assailed by the clamours of discontented individuals and public bodies, 
and by the designs of a faction to supersede him in his office as com- 
mander-in-chief, - . - » . Page 55 

CHAPTER V. 

Campaign of 1^719,. — General Washington prepares for the campaign 
of 1778. Surprises the British, and defeats them at Monmouth. Ar- 
rests general Lee. Calms the irritation excited by the departure of 
the French fleet from Rhode Island to Boston. Dissuades from an 
invasion of Canada, - - - . Page 71 



W CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER Vr. 

Campaign of 1779. — The distresses of the American army. General 
Washington calms the uneasiness in the Jersey line. Finds great 
difficulty in supporting his troops, and concentrating their force. 
Makes a disposition of them with a view to the security of West 
Point. Directs an expedition against the Six Nations of Indians, and 
for the reduction of Stony Point. Paules Hook taken. A French 
fleet expected to the northward ; arrives on the coast of Georgia. 
Washington unequal to offensive operations, retires into winter 
quarters, - - - - - - Page 83 

CHAPTER Vn. 

Campaign of 1780. — General Washington directs an expedition against 
Staten Island. Gives an opinion against risking an army for the de- 
fence of Charleston, S. C. Finds great difficulty in supporting his 
army. Kniphausen invades Jersey, but is prevented from injuring 
the American stores. Marquis de La Fayette arrives, and gives as- 
surances that a French fleet and army might soon be expected on the 
American coast. Energetic measures of co-operation resolved upon, 
but so languidly executed, that Washington predicts the necessity of 
a more efficient system of national government. A French fleet ajid 
army arrive, and a combined operation against New York is resolved 
upon, but the arrival of a superior British fleet deranges the whole 
plan, ----- - Page 93 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Campaign of 1781. — The Pennsylvania line mutinies. The Jersey 
troops, follow their example, but are quelled by decisive measures. 
General Washington commences a military journal, detailing the 
wants and distresses of his army. Is inyited to the defence of his 
native state, Virginia, but declines. Reprimands the manager of hig 
private estate for furnishing the enemy with supplies, to prevent the 
destruction of his property. Extinguishes the incipient flames of a 
civil war, respecting the independence of Vermont. Plans a com- 
bined operation against the British, and deputes lieutenant-colonel 
John Laurens to solicit the co-operation of the French. The com- 
bined forces of both nations rendezvous in. the Chesapeake, and take 
lord Cornwallis and his army prisoners of war. Washington returns 
to the vicinity of New York, and urges the necessity of preparing foij 
a new campaign, - - - - - Page 103 

CHAPTER IX. 

1783 and 1783. — Prospects of peace. Languour of the States. Dis- 
contents of the army. General Washington prevents the adoption of 
rash measures. Some new levies in Pennsylvania, mutiny, and are 
quelled. Washington recommends measures for the preservation of 



CONTENTS. V 

independence, peace, liberty, and happiness. Dismisses his army 
Enters New York. Takes leave of his officers. Settles his accounts. 
Repairs to Annapolis. Resigns his commission. Retires to Mount 
Vernon, and resumes his agricultural pursuits, - Page 120 

CHAPTER X. 

General Washington, on retiring from public life, devotes himself to 
agricultural pursuits. Favours inland navigation. Declines offered 
emoluments from it. Urges an alteration of the fundamental rules of 
the society of the Cincinnati. Regrets the defects of the Federal 
system, and recommends a revisal of it. Is appointed a member of 
the continental convention for that purpose, which, after hesitation, 
he accepts. Is chosen president thereof. Is solicited to accept the 
presidency of the United States. Writes sundry letters, expressive ot 
the conflict in his mind, between duty and inclination. Answers ap- 
plications for ofKces. His reluctance to enter on public life. Page 153 

CHAPTER XI. 
Washington elected president. On his way to the seat of government 
at New York, receives the most flattering marks of respect. Addresses 
Congress. The situation of the United States, in their foreign and 
domestic relations, at thfe inauguration of Washington. Fills up 
public offices solely with a view to the public good. Proposes a 
treaty to the Creek Indians, which is at first rejected. Colonel Wil- 
let induces the hea.ds of the nation to come to New York, to treat 
there. . The North Western Indians refuse a treaty : but, after defeat- 
ing generals Harmar and St.Clair, they are defeated by general Wayne. 
They then submit, and agree to treat. A new system is introduced 
for meliorating their condition, - .. - Page 169 

CHAPTER Xir. 

General Washington attends to the foreign relations of the United 
States. Negotiates with Spain. Difficulties in the way. The free 
navigation of the Mississippi is granted, by a treaty made with major 
Pinckney. Negotiation with Britain. Difficulties in the way. War 
probable. Mr. Jay's mission. His treaty with Great Britain. Oppo- 
sition thereto. Is ratified. Washington refuses papers to the House 
of Representatives. British posts in the United States evacuated. 
Negotiations with France. Genet's arrival. Assumes illegal powers, 
in violation of the neutrahty of the United States. Is flattered by the 
people, but opposed by the executive. Is recalled. General Pinckney 
sent as public minister, to adjuit disputes with France. Is not re- 
ceived. Washington declines a re-election, and addresses the people. 
His last address to the national legislature. Recommends a navy, a 
military academy, and other public institutions, - Page 19% 



Ti CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Washington rejoices at the prospect of retiring. Writes to the secretary 
of state, denying the authenticity of letters said to be from him to J 
P. Custis and Lund Washington, in 1776. Pays respect to his suc- 
cessor, Mr. John Adams. Review of Washington's administration. 
He retires to Mount Vernon. Resumes agricultural pursuits. Hears 
with regret the aggressions of the French republic. Corresponds on 
the subject of his taking the command of an army to oppose the 
French. Is appointed Lieutenant-General. His commission is sent 
to him by the secretary of war. His letter to president x\dams on the 
receipt thereof. Directs the organization of the proposed army. 
Three envoys extraordinary sent to France, who adjust all disputes 
with Bonaparte, after the overthrow of the Directory. . General Wash- 
ington dies. Is honoured by Congress, and by the citizens. His 
character,' - - - . . - I^ig-e 2'B'd 



THE LIFE 



OF 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



CHAPTER I. 



George JVashingtori' s birth, family, and education. — 
His mission to the French commandant on the Ohio, 
in 1753. — His military operations as an officer of Vir- 
ginia, from 1754 to 1758, and his subsequent employ- 
7nents, to the commenceinent of the American Revolution. 

The ancestors of George Washington were amongst the 
first settlers of the oldest British colony in America. He 
was the third in descent from John Washington, an English 
gentleman, who, about the middle of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, emigrated from the north of England, and settled iu 
Westmoreland county, Virginia. In the place which he had 
selected for his residence, his great-grandson, the subject of 
the folio v/ing history, was born on the 22d February, (11th 
O. S.) 1732. His immediate ancestor was Augustine 
Washington, who died when lis son George was only ten 
years old. — The education of the young orphan, of course 
devolving upon his mother, she added one to the many 
examples of virtuous matrons, who, devoting themselves to 
the care of their children, have trained them up to be dis- 
tinguished citizens. In one instance, her fears, combining 
with her affection, prevented a measure, which, if persevered 
in, would have given a direction to the talents and views of 
her son, very different from that which laid the foundation 
of his fame. — George Washington, when only fifteen years 
old, solicited and obtained an appointment as midshipman in 
\i}e English naw ; but ]\is ardent zeal to serve Great Britain, 

7 



S THE LIFE OF 

then at war with France and Spain, was, on the interference 
of his mother, for the present, suspended, and for ever di- 
verted from the sea-service. She lived to see him acquire 
hig'her honours than he ever could have obtained as a naval 
officer ; nor did she depart this life, uiifil he- was elevated to 
the first offices, both civil and military, in the gift of the 
American people. She was, nevertheless, from the influ- 
ence of long established habits, so far from being favourable 
to the revolution, that she often regretted the side which her 
son had taken in the controversy between her king and he 
country. 

In the minority of George Washington, the means of edu 
cation in America were scanty : his was, therefore, very littk 
extended beyond what is common, except in mathematics. 
Knowledge of this kind contributes more perhaps than any 
other, to strengthen the mind. In this case, it was doubly 
useful ; for, in the eai'ly part of his life, it laid the foundation 
of his fortune^ by qualifying him for the office of a practical 
surveyor, at a time when good land was of easy attainment ; 
and its intimate connexion with the military art, enabled 
him, at a later period, to judge more correctly of the proper 
means of defending his country, when he was called upon 
to preside over its armies. 

Of the first nineteen years of George Washington's life,, 
little is known. His talents being more solid than showy, 
were not sufficiently developed for public notice, by the com- 
paratively unimportant events of that early period. His 
CO temporaries have generally reported, that, in his youth, he 
was grave, silent, and thoughtful ; diligent and methodical 
in business, dignified in his appearance, and strictly honour- 
able in all his deportment ; but they have not been able to 
gratify the public curiosity with any striking anecdotes. — 
His patrimonial estate was small, but was managed with 
prudence, and increased by industry. In the gayest period 
of his life, he was a stranger to dissipation and riot. 
That he had established a solid reputation, even in his juve- 
nile years, may be fairly presumed from the following cir- 
cumstances. At the age of nineteen, he was appointed one 
of the adjutants general of Virginia, with the rank of major. 
When he vi^as only twenty-one,- he was employed by the 
government of his native colony, in an enterprise which 
req^uired tlie prudence of age, as well as the vigour of youtli: 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 9 

The French, as the first European discoverers of the Mis- 
sissippi, claimed all that immense region, the waters of 
which run into that river. In pursuance of this claim, in 
the year 1753, they took possession of a tract of country, 
supposed to be within the chartered limits of Virginia, and 
were proceeding to erect a chain of posts from the lakes of 
Canada to the river Ohio, in subserviency to their grand 
scheme of connecting Canada with Louisiana, and limiting 
the English colonies to the east of the Alleghany mountains. — 
Mr. Dinwiddle, then lieutenant-governor of Virginia, de- 
spatched Washington with a letter to the French commandant 
on the Ohio, remonstrating against the prosecution of these 
designs, as hostile to the rights of his Britannic majesty. 
The young envoy was also instructed to penetrate the de- 
signs of the French, to conciliate the affection of the native 
tribes, and to procure useful intelligence. In the discharge 
of this trust, he commenced his journey from Williamsburg 
the day on which he was commissioned, and arrived on the 
14th November at V/ ill's Creek, then the extreme frontier 
settlement of the English. Having there engaged guides to. 
conduct him over the Alleghany mountains, he pursued his 
course through a vast extent of unexplored wilderness, 
amidst rains and snows, and over rivers of very difficult pas- 
sage, and amongst tribes of Indians, several of whom, from pre-^ 
vious attentions of the French, were hostile to the English.— 
When his horses were disabled, he proceeded on foot, 
with a gun in his hand, and a pack on his back. He ob- 
served every thing with the eye of a soldier, and particularly 
designated the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany 
rivers, the spot where Fort Duquesne was afterwards builti 
and where Pittsburg now stands, as an advantageous position, 
for a fortress. Here, he secured the affections of some 
neighbouring Indians, and engaged them to accompany him. 
With them, he ascended the Alleghany River and French 
Creek, to a fort on the river Le Boeuf, one of its western 
branches, — He there found Mons. Le Gardeur de St. Pierre, 
the comraandant on the Ohio, and delivered to him Mr. Din- 
widdle's letter, and, having received his answer, he set out 
on his return, and reached Williamsburg on the seventy-, 
eighth day after he had received his appointment. The 
patience and firmness displayed on this occasion by Wash- 
ington, added to his judicious treatment of the Indians, hoih 



10 THE LIFE OF 

merited and obtained a large share of applause. A journal 
of the whole was published, and inspired the public with 
high ideas of the energies, both of his body and his mind. 

The French were too intent on their favourite project of 
extending their empire in America, to be diverted from it by 
the remonstrances of a colonial governor. The answer 
brought by Washington, was such as induced the assembly 
of Virginia to raise a regiment of three hundred men, to de- 
fend their frontiers, and maintain the right claimed in behalf 
of Great Britain over the disputed territory. Of this, Mr. 
Fry, a gentleman supposed to be well acquainted with the 
western country, was appointed colonel, and George Wash- 
ington lieutenant-colonel. The latter advanced with two 
companies of this regiment, early in April, as far as the 
Great Meadows ; where he was informed, by some friendly 
Indians, that the French were erecting fortifications in the 
fork between the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers ; and 
also, that a detachment was on its march from that place to- 
wards the Great Meadows. War had not yet been formally 
declared between France and England ; but, as neither was 
disposed to recede from their claim to the lands on the Ohio, 
it was deemed inevitable, and on the point of commencing. 
Several circumstances v/ere supposed to indicate a hostile 
intention on the part of the advancing French detachment. 
Washiitgton, under the guidance of some friendly Indians, 
in a dark rainy night, surprised their encampment, and, after 
firing once, rushed in, and surrounded them. The com- 
manding officer, M. Jumonville, was killed, one person 
escaped, and all the rest immediately surren^lered. Soon 
after this affair. Colonel Fry died, and the command of the 
regiment devolved upon Washington, who speedily collected 
the whole at the Great Meadows. — Two independent com- 
panies of regulars, one from New York, and one from South 
Carolina, shortly afterwards arrived at the same place. Co- 
lonel Washington was now at the head of nearly four 
hundred men. A stockade, afterwards called Fort Necessity, 
was erected at the Great Meadows ; in which, a small force 
was left ; and the main body advanced, with a view of dis- 
lodging the French from Fort Duquesne, which they had 
recently erected, at the confluence of the Alleghany and 
Monongahela rivers. They had not proceeded more than 
thirteen miles, when they were informed, by friendly Indians 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 11 

" That the French, as numerous as pig-eons in the woods, 
were advancing' in a hostile manner towards the English 
setdements, and also, that Fort Duquesne had been recently 
and strongly reinforced." 

Amongst those who brought this information, was a very 
trusty chief, who had left the fort only two days before, 
where he had seen a considerable reinforcement arrive, and 
had heard the intention declared of marching immediately to 
attack the English, with a corps composed of eight hundred 
French, and four hundred Indians. This intelligence was 
corroborated, by the information already receivecl from de- 
serters, who had arrived only a few days before, and had 
assured them, that a reinforcement was expected. The 
troops had been without bread for six days, and had onlv a 
very small supply of flesh-meat. The enemy could approach 
within five miles of their position by water, and might either 
pass them by a road leading through the country, at some 
distance from them, so as to cut ofT all supplies, and starve 
them into a surrender, or fight them, with a superiority of 
three to one. 

In this critical situation, a council of war unanimously re- 
commended aretreatto the Great Meadows, which was effected 
without delay, and every exertion made to render Fort Ne- 
cessity tenable. Before the works designed for that purpose 
were completed, Mons. de Villier, with a considerable force, 
attacked the fort. The assailants were covered by trees and 
high grass. The Americans received them with great reso- 
lution, and fought, some within the stockade, and others in 
the surrounding ditch, which was nearly fdled with mud and 
water. Washington continued the whole day on the outside 
of the fort, and conducted the defence with the greatest cool- 
ness and intrepidity. — The engagement lasted from ten in 
the morning until night, when the French commander de- 
manded a parley, and offered terms of capitulation. His 
first and second proposals were rejected, and Washington 
would accept of nothing short of the following honourable ~ 
terms, which were mutually agreed upon in the course of 
the night — " The fort to be surrendered, on condition that 
the garrison should march out Avith the honours of war, and 
be permitted to retain their arms and baggage, and to march 
unmolested into the inhabited parts of Virginia." 

The capitulation, being in French, a language not under- 



12 THfi LIFE OP 

stood by Colonel Washington, or any of hi? party, and 
drawn up in the night, under circumstances n.t admitting 
delay, contains an expression, which, at the time, «vas untruly 
translated by the interpreter, (a Dutchman, little acquainted 
with the English tongue) advantage of which has been since 
taken, by the enemies of the American cominandei, to imply 
^n admission, on his part, that the French officer, killed in 
the action preceding the attack upon the fort, was assas* 
sinated. 

An account of the transaction was published by de Villiei*, 
which drew from Colonel Washington a letter to a friend, 
completely disproving a calumny, which, though entirely 
discredited at the time, was revived at a subsequent period, 
when circumstances, well understood, at the date of the 
transaction, might be supposed to have been forgotten. 

The whole loss sustained by the Americans in this affair, 
was not ascertained. The killed and wounded of the Vir- 
ginia regiment, amounted to fifty-eight ; but the loss of the 
two independent companies, is not known. It was conjec- 
tured, that, on the part of the enemy, the killed and wounded 
were about two hundred. 

Notwithstanding the stipulation, that the troops should 
be unmolested on their march, heavy complaints were m^de, 
of their being plundered and otherwise mal-treated by ^e 
Indians. The cause of their complaints was perhaps una- 
voidable ; for it was always found extremely difficult to se- 
cure, on the part of those troublesome allies and formidable 
enemies, an observance of engagements. 

The legislature of Virginia, impressed with a high sense 
of the bravery and good conduct of their troops, though 
compelled to surrender the fort, voted their thanks to Colonel 
Washington, and the officers under his command ; and they 
alsc gave three hundred pistoles to be distributed amongst 
tlie soldiers engaged in this action, but made no arrangements 
Yqy renewing offensive operations in the remainder of the 
year 1754. When the season for action was over, the regi- 
ment was reduced to independent companies, and Washing- 
ton resigned his command. 

The controversy about the Ohio lands, which began in 
Virginia, was entered into very seriously by Great Britain ; 
and two British regiments were sent to America, to support 
the claims of his Britannic Majesty. They arrived early in 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. IS 

1755, and were commanded by general Braddock. That 
officer, being informed of the talents of George Washington, 
invited him to serve in the campaign as a volunteer aid-de- 
camp. The invitation was cheerfully accepted, and Washing- 
ton joined general Braddock near Alexandria, and proceeded 
with him to Will's Creek, afterwards called Fort Cumber- 
land, near the source of the Potomac, at that time the most 
western post held by the English in Virginia or Maryland. — 
Here, the army was detained till the r2th of June, waiting 
for wagons, horses, and provisions. Washington had early 
recommended the use of pack-horses, instead of wagons, for 
conveying the baggage of the army. The propriety of this 
advice soon became apparent, and, in conformity with it, a 
considerable change was made. 

The army had not advanced more than ten miles from 
Fort Cumberland, when Washington was seized with a 
violent fever ; but he nevertheless continued with the army, 
being conveyed in a covered wagon, after he had refused to 
stay behind, though so much exhausted as to be unable to 
ride on horseback. — He advised the general to leave his 
heavy artillery and baggage behind, and to advance rapidly 
to Fort Duquesne, with a select body of troops, a few neces- 
sary stores, and some pieces of light artillery. Hopes were 
indulged, that, by this expeditious movement. Fort Duquesne 
might be reached in its present weak state, with a force suf- 
ficient to reduce it, before expected reinforcements should 
arrive. General Braddock approved the scheme, and sub- 
mitted it to the consideration of a council held at the Little 
Meadows, which recommended that the commander-in-chief 
should advance as rapidly as possible with twelve hundred 
select men, and that colonel Dunbar should remain behind 
with the rest of the troops and the heavy baggage. — 
This advanced corps commenced its march with only thirty 
carriages, but did not proceed with the rapidity that was ex- 
pected. It frequently halted to level the road, and to build 
bridges over inconsiderable brooks. It consumed four days 
in passing over the first nineteen miles from the Little Mead- 
ows. At this place, the physicians declared that Colonel 
Washington's life would be endangered by advancing with the 
army. He was therefore ordered by general Braddock to 
stay behind, with a small guard, till colonel Dunbar should 
arrive with the rear of the army. As soon as his strength 

B 



14 THE LIFE OP 

would permit, he joined the advanced detachment, and im- 
mediately entered on the duties of his office. 

The provincial troops, composing a part of Braddock's 
army, consisted entirely of independent and ranging compa- 
nies. The general was warned, by Washington, of the 
danger, to which the character of his enemy, and the face 
of the country, exposed him ; and was advised to advance the 
provincial companies in his front, for the purpose of scouring 
the woods, and discovering any ambuscade which might be 
formed to surprise him. But he held both his enemy and 
the provincials in too much contempt, to follow this salutary 
counsel. Three hundred British regulars, amongst whom 
were his grenadiers and light infantry, commanded by lieu- 
tenant-colonel Gage, composed his van ; and he himself 
followed, at some distance, with the artillery and the main 
body of the army divided into small columns. 

On the 9th of July, the day after Washington had joined 
the army, a dreadful scene was presented. When Braddock 
had crossed the Monongahela, and was only a few miles 
from Fort Duquesne, and was pressing forward without any 
apprehension of danger, he was attacked in an open road, 
thick set with grass. An invisible enemy, consisting of 
French and Indians, commenced a heavy and well-directed 
fire on his uncovered troops. The van fell back upon the 
main body, and the whole was thrown into disorder. But 
the general having ordered up the main body, which was 
formed three deep, and the commanding officer of the enemy 
having fallen, the attack was suspended for a short time, and 
the assailants were supposed to be dispersed. This mo- 
mentary delusion, however, was soon dispelled. The attack 
was renewed with increased fury ; the van fell back upon 
the main body, and the whole army was thrown into utter 
confusion. Marksmen levelled their pieces particularly at 
officers, and others on horseback. In a short time. Wash' 
ington was the only aid-de-camp left alive and not wounded. 
On him, therefore, devolved the whole duty of carrying the 
general's orders. He was of course obliged to be constantly 
in motion, traversing the field of battle, on horseback, in all 
directions. He had two horses shot under him, and four 
bullets passed through his coat; but he escaped unhurt, 
though every other officer on horseback was either killed or 
wounded. Providence preserved him for further and greater 



Jo ■Bflilllil 




GEORGE WASHINGTON. 15 

services. — Throughout the whole of the carnage and con- 
fusion of this fatal day, Washington displayed the utmost 
coolness, and the most perfect self-possession. Braddock 
was undismayed amidst a shower of bullets, and by his 
countenance and example, encouraged his men to stand their 
ground ; but valour was useless, and discipline only offered 
surer marks to the destructive aim of unseen marksmen. 
Unacquainted with the Indian mode of fighting, Braddock 
neither advanced upon nor retreated from the assailants, but 
very injudiciously endeavoured to form his broken troops on 
the ground where they were hrst attacked, and where they 
were exposed uncovered to the incessant galling fire of a 
sheltered enemy. 

The action lasted nearly three hours ; in the course of 
which, the general had three horses shot under him, and he 
finally received a wound, of which he died, in a few days 
afterwards, in the camp of Dunbar, to which he had been 
brought by Colonel Washington and others. On the fall of 
Braddock, his troops gave way in all directions, and they 
could not be rallied till they had crossed the Monongahela. 
The Indians, allured by plunder, did not pursue with vigour. 
The vanquished regulars fled precipitately to Dunbar's camp, 
from which, after destroying such of their stores as could be 
spared, they retired to Philadelphia. 

The officers in the British regiments displayed the utmost 
bravery. Their whole number was eighty-five ; and sixty- 
four of them were killed or wounded. The common soldiers 
were so disconcerted by the unusual mode of attack, that 
they soon broke, and could not be rallied. The three Vir- 
ginia companies in the engagement, behaved very differently, 
and fought most gallantly until there were scarcely thirty of 
their number left alive. 

This reverse of fortune rather increased, than diminished 
the reputation of Washington. His countrymen extolled his 
conduct, and generally believed, that if he had been com- 
mander, the disasters of the day would have been avoided. 

Intelligence of Braddock's defeat, and of colonel Dunbar's 
having withdrawn all the regular forces from Virginia, ar- 
rived while the 'assembly of that colony was in session. 
Impressed with the necessity of protecting the exposed fron- 
tier settlements, that body determined to raise a regiment of 
jsixteen companies. The command of this was given to 



16 THE LIFE OF 

Washington. So great was the public confidence in the 
soundness of his judgment, that he was authorized to name 
the field-officers. His commission also designated him as 
commander-in-chief of all the forces raised, or to be raised, 
in Virginia. 

In execution of the duties of his new office, Washington, 
after giving the necessary orders for the recruiting service, 
visited the frontiers. He found many posts, but few soldiers.. 
Of these, he made the best disposition. While on his way 
to Williamsburg, to arrange a plan of operations with the 
lieutenant-governor, he was overtaken by an express below 
Fredericksburg, with information that the back settlements 
were broken up by parties of French and Indians, who were 
murdering and capturing men, women, and children, burning 
their houses, and destroying their crops ; and that the few 
troops stationed on the frontiers, unable to protect the 
country, had retreated to small stockade forts. — Washington 
altered his course, from Williamsburg to Winchester, and 
endeavoured to collect a force for the defence of the country. 
But this was impossible. The inhabitants, instead of as- 
sembling in arms, and facing the invaders, fled before them, 
and extended the general panic. While the attention of in- 
dividuals was engrossed by their families and private con- 
cerns, the general safety was neglected. The alarm became 
universal, and the utmost confusion prevailed. Before any 
adequate force was collected to repel the assailants, they had 
safely crossed the Alleghany mountains, after having done 
an immensity of mischief. — Irruptions of this kind were 
repeatedly made into the frontier settlements of Virginia, in 
1756, and the two following years. These were generally 
effected by a considerable number of French and Indians, 
detached from Fort Duquesne. It was their usual practice, 
on approaching the settlements, to divide into small parties, 
and, avoiding the forts, to attack solitary families in the 
night, as well as the day. Accustomed to live in the woods, 
the savages found little difficulty in concealing themselves 
until their fatal blow was struck. — Sundry unimportant skir- 
mishes occurred, with various results ; but the number killed 
on both sides was inconsiderable, when compared with the 
mischief done, and the many who were put to death, other- 
wise than in battle. The invaders could seldom be brought 
to a regular engagement. Honourable war was not in their 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17 

contemplation. Plunder, devastation, and murder, were 
their objects. The assembling of a respectable force to op- 
pose them, was their signal for retreating- Irruptions of this 
kind were so frequent, for three years following Braddock's 
defeat, that in Pennsylvania the frontier settlers were driven 
back as far as Carlisle ; in Maryland, to Fredericktown ; and 
in Virginia, to the Blue Ridge. 

The distresses of the inhabitants exceeded all description. 
If they went into stockade forts, they suffered from the want 
of provisions, were often surrounded, and sometimes de- 
stroyed. By fleeing, they abandoned the conveniences of 
home, and the means of support. If they continued on their 
farms, they lay down every night under apprehensions of 
being murdered before morning. But this was not their 
greatest misfortune. Captivity and torture were frequently 
their portion. To all these evils, women, aged persons, and 
children, were equally liable with men in arms ; for savages 
make no distinction. Extermination is their object. — To 
Washington, the inhabitants looked for that protection w^hich 
he had not the means of giving. In a letter to the governor, 
he observed, " the supplicating tears of the women, and 
moving petitions of the men, melt me with such deadly sor- 
row, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I 
could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering ene- 
my, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." — 
Virginia presented a frontier of three hundred and sixty miles, 
exposed to these incursions. Hard, was the lot of Wash- 
ington, to whom was entrusted the defence of these exten- 
sive settlements, without means adequate to the purpose. — 
The regiment voted by the assembly, was never filled. Its 
actual number was oftener below, than above seven hundred 
men. The militia aflbrded a very feeble aid, on which little 
reliance could be placed. They were slow in collecting, and 
when collected, soon began to hanker after home ; and while 
in camp could not submit to that discipline, without which 
an army is a mob. The militia-laws were very defective. 
Cowardice in time of action, and sleeping while on duty, 
though crimes of the most destructive nature, were very in- 
adequately punished by the civil code, under which they 
took the field. — Desertion and mutiny, for some considerable 
time, subjected the offenders to nothing more than slight pen- 
alties. Washington was incessant in his representations 

b2 



18 THE LIFE OF' 

to the governor and to the assembly, that no reliance could 
be placed on the militia, under existing regulations ; and that 
the inconsiderable number enlisted for regular service, toge- 
ther with the plans proposed for the security of the frontiers, 
were altogether inadequate. 

As soon as the main body of the enemy had withdrawn 
from the settlements, a tour was made by Colonel Washing- 
ton to the south-western frontier, in order to examine, in per- 
son, the state of things in that quarter. There, as well as 
in the north, continued incursions were made, and murders 
committed ; and there too, the principal defence of the coun- 
try was entrusted to an ill-regulated militia. The fatal con- 
sequences of this system, are thus stated by him in a letter 
to the lieutenant-governor. " The inhabitants are so sensi- 
ble of their danger, if left to the protection of these people, 
that not a man will stay at his place. — The militia are in so 
bad order and discipline, that they Avill come and go when 
and where they please, without regarding time, their officers, 
or the safety of the inhabitants ; but consulting solely their 
own inclinations. There should be, according to your hon- 
our's orders, one third of the militia of these parts on duty, 
at a time. Instead of that, scarcely one-thirtieth is out. They 
are to be relieved every month : they are a great part of that 
time marching to and from their stations ; and they will not 
wait one day longer than the limited time, whether relieved 
or not, however urgent may be the necessity for their con- 
tinuance." 

*^ From Fort Trial," continued he, " on Smith's river, I 
returned to Fort William, on the Catawba, where I met colo- 
nel Buchannon with about thirty men, chiefly officers, to 
conduct me up Jackson's river, along the range of forts. 
With this small company of irregulars, with whom order, 
regularity, circumspection, and vigilance, were matters of 
derision and contempt, we set out, and, by the protection of 
Providence, reached Augusta court-house in seven days, 
without meeting the enemy ; otherwise we must have been 
sacrificed by the indiscretion of these whooping, hallooing, ^ 
gentlemen soldiers. 

** This jaunt afforded me a great opportunity of seeing the 
bad regulation of the militia, the disorderly proceedings of 
the garrison, and the unhappy circumstances of the inhabit *2i 
mis. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19 

*' First, of the militia. The difficulty of collecting them, 
on any emergency whatever, I have spoken of as grievous;, 
and appeal to sad experience, both in this and other countries, 
to attest how great a disadvantage it is ; the enemy having 
every opportunity to plunder, kill, and escape, before they 
can afford any assistance ; and, not to mention the general 
expensiveness of their services, I can instance several cases, 
where a captain, lieutenant, and, I may add, an ensign, with 
two or three sergeants, have gone upon duty with only six or 
eight men. 

" Again : the waste of provisions made by them is unac- 
countable. No method, or order, is observed, in serving 
them out, or in purchasing them at the best rates ; but quite 
the reverse. Allowance to each man, as to other soldiers, 
they look upon as the highest indignity ; and would sooner 
starve, than carry a few days' provisions on their backs for 
convenience ; but, upon their march, when breakfast is 
wanted, they knock down the first beef or other animal they 
meet with, and, after regaling upon it, march on until dinner, 
when they take the same method, and so likewise for supper, 
to the great oppression of the people. If they chance to im- 
press cattle for provision, the valuation is left to neighbours, 
who have themselves suffered by those practices, and, des- 
pairing of their pay, exact high prices. Thus, the public is 
imposed upon, at all events. 

" Secondly, concerning the garrisons. I found them very 
weak from want of men, but more so from indolence and ir- 
regularity. I saw none in a posture of defence, and few that 
might not be surprised with the greatest ease. An instance 
of this appeared at Dickenson's fort, where the Indians ran 
down, caught several children that were playing under the 
walls, and reached the gate before they were discovered. 
Was not Bass's fort surprised, and a good many souls lost, in 
the same manner? They keep no guards, but just when the 
enemy is about, and they are under fearful apprehensions of 
them; nor ever stir out of the forts, from the time they reach 
them, until relieved at the expiration of their month, at which 
time, they march off, be the consequence what it may ; so 
the enemy may ravage the country, and they not the wisei. 
Of the ammunition, they are careless as of the provisions, 
firing it away frequently at targets, for wagers. — On our 
journey, as we approached one of the forts, we heard a quick. 



20 THE LIFE OF 

fire for several minutes ; and concluding certainly that they 
were attacked, we marched, in the best manner, to their re- 
lief; but, when we came up, we found them diverting them- 
selves at marks. These men afford no assistance to the un- 
happy settlers, driven from their plantations, either in secur- 
ing their harvests, or gathering their corn. Of the many 
forts I passed by, there were but one or two where the cap- 
tain was at his post. They were generally absent on their 
own business, and had given leave to several of their men to 
be absent likewise ; yet these persons, I will venture to say, 
will charge the country their full month's pay." 

Colonel Washington not only pointed out the defect of the 
systems which had been adopted, but submitted to the con- 
sideration of those in power, such measures as he thought 
best, and particularly recommended, in case that offensive 
operations were not adopted, that twenty-two forts, extend- 
ing in a line of three hundred and sixty miles, should be im- 
mediately erected, and garrisoned by two thousand men, in 
constant pay and service ; but on all occasions he gave a de- 
cided preference to the reduction of Fort Duquesne, as the 
only radical remedy for the evils to which the frontier set- 
tlements were exposed. — Propositions to this effect, were 
made and urged by him in 1756 and 1757, both to the go- 
vernment of Virginia, and the commanders-in-chief of the 
British forces in America; but a short sighted policy in the 
first, and a preference given by the last, to' a vigorous prose- 
cution of the war in the northern colonies, prevented their 
acceptance. To his inexpressible joy, the project obtained, 
in the year 1758, the complete approbation of general Forbes, 
who was charged with the defence of the middle and southern 
colonies. This being resolved upon, the movements of the 
army were directed to that point. — Part of the forces des- 
tined for this expedition, was at Philadelphia, part at Ray's 
Town, and part dispersed on the frontiers of Virginia. To 
bring all together, was a work of time and difficulty. Wash- 
ington urged the necessity of an early campaign, but so many 
delays occurred, that he did not receive orders to assemble 
his regiment at Winchester until the 24th of May ; nor to 
proceed thence to Fort Cumberland, until the 24th of June ; 
nor to proceed to Ray's Town, until the 21st of September. 
The main body did not commence their march from Ray's 
Town, until the 2d of October, and it was as late as the 25th 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 21 

of November, when they reached Fort Duqiiesne. — These 
delays were extremely mortifying to Washington, and threat- 
ened to render the campaign abortive. He urged the neces- 
sity of expedition, and most pointedly remonstrated against 
one of the principal causes of delay. This was a resolution 
adopted by his superiors, for opening a new road for the ar- 
my, in preference to that which was generally known by "the 
name of general Braddock's. Being overruled, he quietly 
submitted. Instead of embarrassing measures which he 
thought injudicious, the whole energies of himself and his 
regiment Avere exerted to make the most of those which his 
commanding officer preferred. 

About the time v/hen this resolution was formed, and be- 
fore the army was put into motion, major Grant was de- 
tached from the advanced post at lioyal Hannah, with eight 
hundred men, pardy British, and pardy provincials, to re- 
connoitre the fort and the adjacent country. This officer in- 
vited an attack from the garrison, the result of which was, 
that upwards of three hundred of the detachment were killed 
and wounded, and major Grant himself was made prisoner. 

The progress of the main army was so slow, that it did not 
reach Loyal Hannah till the 5th of November. Here, it was 
determined in a council of war, " to be unadvisable to proceed 
any further that campaign." If this resolution had been ad- 
hered to, the only alternative would have been, to winter an ar- 
my of eight thousand men in a cold, inhospitable wilderness, re- 
mote from all friendly settlements, or to retrace their steps, and 
wait for a more favourable season. In either case, they would 
have suffered immensely. The propriety of the remon- 
strances made by Washington against the many delays which 
had occurred, now became obviously striking. The hopes 
of restoring peace to the frontier settlements, by reducing 
Fort Duquesne, began to vanish. But, contrary to all hu- 
man appearances, success was now offered to their grasp, at 
the very moment when they had given up every hope of ob- 
taining it. 

Some prisoners were taken, who gave such information of 
the state of the garrison, as induced a reversal of the late de- 
termination, and encouraged the general to proceed. Wash- 
ington was in front, superintending the opening of the road 
for the accommodation of the troops. They advanced with 
glow and cautious steps, until they reached Fort Duquesne* 



22 THE LIFE OF 

To their great surprise, they found the fort evacuated, and 
learned that the garrison had retreated down the Ohio. 

The reason for the abandonment of so advantageous a po- 
sition, must be sought for elsewhere. The British had urged 
the war with so much vigour and success against the French 
to the northward of the Ohio, that no r^nforcements could 
be spared to Fort Duquesne. The British fleet had captured 
a considerable part of the reinforcements designed by France 
for her colonies. The tide of fortune had begun to turn 
against the French, in favour of the English. This weak 
ened the influence of the former over the Indians, and caused 
them to withdraw from the support of the garrison. Under 
different circumstances, the success of the campaign would 
have been doubtful, perhaps impracticable. 

The benefits which resulted from the acquisition of Fort 
Duquesne, proved the soundness of Washington's judgment, 
in so warmly urging, for three years, an expedition for its 
reduction. These were not confined to Virginia, but ex- 
tended to Pennsylvania and Maryland. While the French 
were in possession of that post, the Indians near the Ohio 
were entirely at their command. This was their place of 
rendezvous, and from it they made frequent and ruinous in- 
cursions into these three colonies. They spared neither age 
nor sex, but killed or captured indiscriminately all who came 
in their way. — Fire and devastation, the scalping knife and 
tomahawk, marked their route. A complete revolution in the 
disposition of the Indians, resulted from the expulsion of the 
French. Always prone to take part with the strongest, the 
Indians deserted their ancient friends, and paid court to those 
who, by recent conquest, were now in possession of the 
country. A treaty of peace was soon afterwards concluded 
with all the Indian tribes between the lakes and the Ohio. 
Fort Duquesne (the site of the present city of Pittsburg) was 
named Fort Pitt: it received considerable repairs, and was 
garrisoned by two hundred men from Washington's regiment. 
It became as useful in future to the English setdements, as 
it had been injurious while in the occupation of the French. 

The campaign of 1758, ended the military career of Colo- 
nel Washington, as a provincial oflicer. Having marched 
with the remainder of his regiment to Winchester, hfe set out 
5O0n afterwards to attend the Assembly, of which he had 
been elected a member by the county of Frederick, while at 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 38 

Fort Cumberland ; and the great object of his exertions, the 
reduction of Fort Duquesne, being accomplished, he resigned 
his commission. 

During the three preceding years, in which he had been 
charged with the defence of Virginia, none of those great 
events occurred, which enliven and adorn the page of history ; 
yet the duties he performed were extremely arduous. He 
established exact discipline in his regiment, though composed 
of men unaccustomed to restraint ; and infused into them 
such a spirit, as made them fight and die like soldiers. 

The difficulties of defending so extensive a frontier, with 
so inadequate a force, would have caused almost any other 
man to resign the command, but they excited in him only a 
greater importunity with the ruling powers, for the correc- 
tion of errors. The plans proposed, and the systems recom* 
mended by him for conducting the war, displayed uncommon 
vigour of mind. He retired from the army with the thanks 
of his regiment, and the esteem, not only of his countrymen, 
but of the officers of the British army ; and what is particu^ 
larly remarkable, with the undiminished confidence of the 
frontier settlers, to whom he had been unable to extend that 
protection which they had expected. — They were thoroughly 
convinced that he had made the best possible use of his 
scanty means for the security of so extensive a frontier ; and 
to the weight of his advice in recommending, and spirited 
_co-operation in executing, they ascribed a large proportion of 
the merit of the late successful expedition against Fort Du- 
quesne ; an event by which they promised themselves an 
exemption from the calamities under which they had long 
laboured. — As a reward for his gallant and patriotic services, 
he shortly afterwards obtained the hand of the widow of Mr. 
Custis, a young lady, to whom he had for some time been 
strongly attached, and who, to a fine person, and a large for- 
tune, added every accomplishment which contributes to the 
happiness of married life. Colonel Washington, by the 
death of his elder brother Lawrence, had a few years before 
acquired an estate situated on the Potomac, called Mount 
Vernon, in compliment to Admiral Vernon, who, about the 
year 1741, commanded the British fleet in an expedition 
against Carthagena, in which Mr. Lawrence Washington 
had been engaged. 

To this delightful residence, the late commander of the 



fi4 THE LIFE OP 

Virginia forces, released from the cares of a military life, 
and in possession of every thing that could make life agree- 
able, withdrew, and applied himself to domestic pursuits. 
These were conducted with so much judgment, steadiness, 
and industry, as greatly to enlarge and improve his estate. 
To them, he exclusively devoted himself for fifteen years, 
with the exception of serving in the house of burgesses in 
the colony of Virginia, and as a judge of the court of the 
county in which he resided. In these stations, he acquitted 
himself with reputation, and acquired no inconsiderable 
knowledge in the science of civil government. During this 
period, the conflicting claims of Great Britain and the colo- 
nies were frequently brought before the Virginia legislature. 
In every instance, he took a decided part in the opposition 
made to the principle of taxation claimed by the parent state. 
Had Great Britain been wise, the history of George 
Washington would have ended here, with the addition that 
he died in the sixty-eighth year of his age, having sustained, 
through life, the character of a good man, an excellent far- 
mer, a wise member of the legislature, and an impartial dis- 
tributor of justice amongst his neighbours. Very different 
was his destiny. From being the commander of the forces 
of his native colony, Virginia, he was advanced to the com- 
mand of the armies of thirteen United Colonies, and success- 
fully led. them through a revolutionary war of eight years' 
duration, which ended in their establishment as thirteen 
United States. 



CHAPTER 11. 



Retrospect of the origin of the American Revolutionary 
TVar, Of George Washington^ as member of Congress 
in 1774 and 1775. As Commander-in-chief of the armies 
of the United Colonies in 1775 and 1776, and his opero' 
tions near Boston in these years. 

Soon after the peace of Paris, in 1763, a new system for 
governing the British colonies was adopted. One abridg- 
ment of their accustomed liberties followed another, in so 
rapid succession, that, in the short space of twelve yeara 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25 

they had nothing left which they coukl call their own. The 
British parliament, in which they were unrepresented, and 
over which they had no control, not only claimed, but exer- 
cised the power of taxing them at pleasure, and of binding 
them in all cases whatsoever. 

Claims, so repugnant to the spirit of the British constitu- 
tion, and which made so invidious distinctions between the 
subjects of the same king, residing on different sides of the 
Atlantic, excited a serious alarm amongst the colonists. 
Detached as they were from each other by local residence, 
and unconnected in their several legislatures, a sense of 
common danger pointed out to them the wisdom and pro- 
priety of forming a new representative body, composed of 
delegates from each colony, to take care of their common 
interest. 

With very little previous concert, such a body was formed, 
and met in Philadelphia, in September, 1774, and entered 
into the serious consideration of the grievances under which 
their constituents laboured. To this congress, Virginia 
""leputed seven of her most respectable citizens ; Peyton Ran- 
dolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick 
Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund 
Pendleton ; men who would have done honour to any age 
or country. The same were appointed in like manner to 
attend a second congress on the 10th of May, in the follow- 
ing year. — The historians of the American revolution will 
detail with pleasure and pride, the proceedings of this illus- 
trious assembly ; the firmness and precision with which 
they stated their grievances, and petitioned their sovereign 
to redress them ; the eloquence with which they addressed 
the people of Great Britain, the inhabitants of Canada, and 
their own constituents ; the judicious measures which they 
adopted of cementing union at home, and procuring friends 
abroad. They will also inform the world, of the unsuccessful 
termination of all plans proposed for preserving the union of 
the empire ; and that Great Britain, proceeding from one 
oppression to another, threw the colonies out of her protec- 
tion ; made war upon them, and carried it on with a view to 
their subjugation. — All these matters, together with the com- 
mencement of hostilitiee at Lexington, and the formation of 
an American army by the colony of Massachusetts, for de- 
fending themselves against a royal army in Boston, muiit be 

C 



26 THE LIFE OP 

here passed over. Our business is only with George Wash* 
ington. The fame acquired by him as commander of the 
Virginia forces, together with his well-known military talents, 
procured for him the distinguishing appellation of the soldier 
of America. Those who, before the commencement of hos- 
tilities, had looked forward to war as the probable conse- 
quence of the disputes between Great Britain and her colonies, 
anticipated his appointment to the supreme command of the 
forces of his native country. 

As long as he continued a member of congress, he was 
chairman of every committee appointed by that body to 
make arrangements for defence. These duties in the senate 
were soon superseded by more active employment in- the 
field. As soon as the congress of the United Colonies had 
determined on making a common cause with Massachusetts, 
against which a British army had commenced hostilities, 
they appointed, by unanimous vote, George Washington 
commander-in-chief of all the forces, raised or to be raised, 
for the defence of the colonies. His election was accompa- 
nied with no competition, and followed by no envy. The 
same general impulse on the public mind, which led the 
colonies to agree in many other particulars, pointed to him 
as the most proper person for presiding over their armies. 

To the president of congress, announcing this appointment, 
General Washington replied in the following words : — 

" Mr. President, 

" Though I am truly sensible of the high honour done me 
in this appointment, yet I feel great distress, from a con- 
siSiousness that my abilities and military experience may not 
be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as 
the congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous 
duty, and exert every pov/er I possess in their service, and 
for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they v/ill accept 
xny most cordial thanks, for this distinguished testimony of 
their approbation. 

" But, lest some unlucky event should happen unfavour- 
able to my reputation, I beg it maybe remembered, by every 
gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the ut- 
most sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command 
I am honoured with. 

«* As to pay, Sir, I beg leave to assure the congress, that 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27 

«s no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to ac- 
cept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domes- 
tic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit 
from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses ; those 
I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I desire." 

A special commission was made out for him, and at the 
same time a unanimous resolution was adopted by congress, 
** That they would maintain and assist him, and adhere to 
him w^ith their lives and fortunes, for the maintenance and 
preservation of American Liberty." 

Artemas Ward, of Massachusetts, who had commanded 
the troops before Boston ; colonel Lee, a British- officer, who 
had distinguished himself in Portugal, but had resigned his 
commission in the service of the king ; Philip Schuyler, of 
New York ; and Israel Putnam, of Connecticut, now also 
before Boston, were appointed to the rank of major-general ; 
and Horatio Gates, who had held the rank of major in the 
British service, was appointed adjutant-general. 

General Washington immediately entered on the duties 
of his high station. After passing a few days in New York, 
and making some arrangements with general Schuyler, who 
commanded tliere, he proceeded to Cambridge, which was 
iiie head-quarters of the A merican army. On his way thither, 
he received from private persons and public bodies, the most 
flattering attention, and the strongest expressions of deter- 
mination to support him. He received an address from the 
provincial congress of New York, in which, after expressing 
their approbation of his elevation to command, they say, 
" We have the fullest assurances, that, whenever this im- 
portant contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of each 
American soul, an accommodation with our mother country, 
you will cheerfully resign the import[«.nt deposit committed 
into your hands, and reassume the character of our worthiest 
citizen." — The General, after declaring his gratitude for the re- 
spect shown to him, added, " Be assured, that every exertion 
of my worthy colleagues and myself, will be extended to the 
re-establishment of peace and harmony between the mother- 
country and these colonies. As to the fatal, but necessary 
operations of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did 
not lay aside the citizen, and we shall most sincerely rejoice 
with you in that happy hour, when the re-establishment of 
American liberty, on the most firm and solid foundations, 



98 THE LIFE OP 

shall enable us to return to our private stations in the boson* 
of a free, peaceful, and happy country/' 

A committee from the Massachusetts congress received 
him at Springfield, about one hundred miles from Boston, 
and conducted him to the army. He was soon afterwards 
addressed by the congress of that colony, in the most affec- 
tionate manner. In his answer, he said, *' Gentlemen, your 
kind congratulations on my appointment and arrival, demand 
my warmest acknowledgments, and will ever be retained in 
grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoyments of 
domestic life, for the duties of my present honourable but 
arduous station, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit 
of the whole province of Massachusetts, which, with a firm- 
ness and patriotism without example, has sacrificed all the 
comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights 
of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My 
highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating 
these rights, and to see this devoted province again restored 
to peace, liberty, and safety." 

When General Washington arrived at Cambridge, he was 
received with the joyful acclamations of the American army. 
At the head of his troops, he published a declaration, pre- 
viously drawn up by congress, in the nature of a manifesto, 
setting forth the reasons for taking up arms. In this, after 
enumerating various grievances of the colonies, and vindi- 
cating them from a premeditated design of establishing inde- 
pendent states, it was added : " In our own native land, in 
defence of the freedom which is our birthright, and which 
we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it, for the protection 
of our property, acquired solely by the industry of our fore- 
fathers and ourselves, against violence actually ofl!ered, we 
have taken up arms ; we shall lay them down when hostili- 
ties shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger 
of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before." 

When General Washington joined the American army, 
he found the British intrenched on Bunker's Hill, having 
also three floating batteries in Mystic River, and a twenty- 
gun ship below the ferry between Boston and Charlestown, 
They had also a battfery on Copse's Hill, and were strongly 
fortified on the Neck. The Americans were intrenched at 
Winter Hill, Prospect Hill, and Roxbury, communicating 
with one another by small posts, over a distance of ten 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29 

miles ; nor could they be contracted, without exposing the 
country to the incursions of the enemy. 

The army, placed under the command of Washington, 
amounted to fourteen thousand five hundred men. Several 
circumstances occurred, to render this force very inadequate 
to active operations. Military stores were deficient in camp, 
and the whole quantity in the country was inconsiderable. 
On the 4th of August, all the stock of powder in the American 
camp, and in the public magazines of the four New England 
provinces, would have made very little more than nine rounds 
for each man. In this destitute condition, the army remained 
for a fortnight. To the want of powder, was added a very 
general want of bayonets, of clothes, of working tools, and 
a total want of engineers. — Under all these embarrassments, 
the General observed, that " he had the materials of a good 
army, that the men were able bodied, active, zealous in the 
cause, and of unquestionable courage." He immediately 
instituted such arrangements as w^ere calculated to increase 
their capacity for service. .The army was distributed into 
brigades and divisions, and, on his recommendation, general 
stafi-ofhcers were appointed. Economy, union, and system, 
were introduced into every department. As the troops came 
into service under the authority of distinct colonial govern- 
ments, no uniformity existed among the regiments. — In 
Massachusetts, the men had chosen their officers, and, rank 
excepted, were in other respects frequently their equals. 
To form one uniform mass of these discordant materials, and 
to subject freemen, animated with the spirit of liberty, and 
collected for its defence, to the control of military discipline, 
required patience, forbearance, and a spirit of accommodation. 
'I'his delicate and arduous duty v/as undertaken by General 
Washington, and discharged with great address. When he 
had made considerable progress in disciplining his army, the 
terms for which enlistments had taken place were on the 
point of expiring. — The troops from Connecticut and Rhode. 
Island were engaged only to the first of December, 1775 ; 
and no part of the army longer than to the first of January, 
1776. The commander-in-chief made early and forcible re- 
presentations to congress on this subject, and urged them to 
adopt efhcient measures for the formation of a new army. 
They deputed three of their members, Mr. Lynch, Dr. 
Franldin, and Mr. Harrison, to repair to the camp, and, in 

c 2 



3d THE LIFE or 

conjunction with him and the chief magistrates of the New- 
England colonies, to confer on the most effectual mode of 
continuing, supporting, and regulating, a continental army.— 
By them, it was resolved to enlist twenty-three thousand 
seven hundred and twenty-two men, as far as practicable 
from the troops before Boston, to serve until the last day of 
December, 1776, unless sooner discharged by congress. In 
the execution of this resolution, Washington called upon all 
officers and soldiers to make their election for retiring or con^ 
tinning. Several of the inferior officers retired. Many of 
the men would not continue on any terms. Several refused, 
unless they were indulged with furloughs; others, unless 
they were allowed to choose their officers. — So many im- 
pediments obstructed the recruiting service, that it required 
great address to remove them. Washington made forcible 
appeals in general orders, to the pride and patriotism both of 
officers and men. He promised every indulgence compati- 
ble with safety, and every comfort that the state of the coun- 
try authorized. In general orders of the 20th of October, he 
observed, " The times, and the importance of the great cause 
we are engaged in, allow no room for hesitation and delay. 
When life, liberty, and property, are at stake; when our 
country is in danger of being a melancholy scene of blood- 
shed and desolation ; when our towns are laid in ashes, in- 
nocent women and children driven from their peaceful habi- 
tations, exposed to the rigours of an inclement season, to de- 
pend perhaps on the hand of charity for support ; when ca- 
lamities like these are staring us in the face, and a brutal 
savage enemy threatens us, and every thing we hold dear, 
with destruction from foreign troops, it little becomes the 
character of a soldier to shrink from danger, and stipulate for 
new terms. — It is the General's intention to indulge both 
officers and soldiers who compose the new army, with fur- 
loughs for a reasonable time, but this must be done in such a 
manner as not to injure the service, or weaken the army too 
much at once." In the instructions given to the recruiting 
officers, the General enjoined upon them "not to enlist any 
person suspected of being unfriendly to the liberties of 
America, or any abandoned vagabond, to whom all causes 
and countries are equal, and alike indifferent." 

Though great exertions had been made to procure recruits, 
yet the regiments were not hlled. Several causes operate^ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31 

in producing this disinclination to the service. The suffer- 
ings of the army had been great. Fuel was very scarce. 
Clothes, and even provisions, had not been furnished to them 
in sufficient quantities. The small-pox deterred many from 
eAtering. Inoculation had not then been generally practised 
in America, and the fears entertained of the disease were ex- 
cessive. It raged in Boston ; and intelligence was received, 
that general Gage had caused several persons to be inocu- 
lated, and sent into the country, for the purpose of spread- 
ing the infection. This intelligence was never confirmed, bu* 
a belief of its truth was greatly strengthened by many cases hav- 
ing occurred amongst those who had been permitted to leave 
the town.— This, however, might naturally have happened, 
although no means had been employed to produce the effect. 
But the principal obstacle to recruiting, was a dislike to a 
military life. Much also of that enthusiasm, which brought 
numbers to the field, on the commencement of hostilities, had 
abated. The army of 1775 was wasting away by the expi- 
ration of the terms of service, and recruits for the new, en" 
tered slowly. The regiments, which were entitled to their 
discharge on the 1st of December, were with great difficulty 
persuaded to stay ten days, when reinforcements of militia 
were expected to supply their place. From the eagerness of 
the old troops to go home, and the slowness of the new to 
enter the service, it was diflicult to continue the blockade. — 
On the last day of the year, when the first were entirely dis- 
banded, the last amounted only to nine thousand six hundred 
and fifty men, and many of these were absent on furlough. 
At this time, the royal army in Boston was about eight 
thousand. To assist the recruiting service, the General re- 
commended to congress to try the effects of a bounty, but 
this was not agreed to until late in January, 1776. In that and 
the following month, the army was considerably increased. 

The blockade of Boston was all this time enforced, and 
the enemy confined to the city. 

All the whale-boats, for several miles along the coast, were 
collected, and employed in keeping a look-out by night on 
the water ; and express-horses were kept in perpetual readi- 
ness at the different stations, for the purpose of communi- 
cating the most prompt intelligence of any movement that 
might be discovered. But this was far short of what the 
American people expected. Common fame represented th« 



32 THE LIFE OF 

troops under the command of Washington, to be nearly treble 
the royal army. This ample force was s'lpposed to be fur- 
nished with every thing- necessary for the most active opera- 
tions. Their real numbers, and deficient equipments, were, for 
obvious reasons, carefully concealed. The ardour and impa- 
tience of the public had long since anticipated the expulsion 
of the British from Boston. Washington was equally ar- 
dent, but belter iuformed and more prudent. — He well knew 
the advantages that would result to the cause in which 
he was engaged, from some brilliant stroke; nor was he in- 
sensible to insinuations made by some, that he was devoid 
of energy ; and by others, that he wished to prolong his own 
importance, by continuing the war. He bore these murmurs 
with patience, but nevertheless, had his eyes directed to Bos- 
ton, and wished for an opportunity to commence offensive 
operations. The propriety of this measure was submitted to 
the consideration of repeated councils of war, who uniformly 
declared against it. — A hope was nevertheless indulged, that 
ice, in the course of the v\dnter, would be favourable to an as- 
sault. That this opportunity might not be lost, measures were 
adopted for procuring large reinforcements of militia, to serve 
until the first of March, 1776. From four to five thousand 
•men were accordingly procured. Contrary to Avliat is usual, 
the waters about Boston continued open until -the middle of 
February. Councils of war were hitherto nearly unanimous 
against an assault. — General Washington was less opposed 
to it than some others ; but the want of ammunition for the 
artillery, together with the great probability of failure, in- 
duced him to decline the attempt. In lieu of it, he formed 
a bold resolution to take a new position, that would compel 
the British general either to come to an action, or to evacuate 
Boston. The American army was now stronger than ever. 
Recruiting for the last two months had been unusually suc- 
cessful. The regular army exceeded fourteen thousand men, 
and the militia were about six thousand. 

Thus reinforced, Washington determined to fortify the 
heights of Dorchester, from which he could annoy the ships 
in the harbour, and the army in the town. To favour the 
execution of this plan, the town and lines of the enemy were 
bombarded on the 2d, 3d, and 4th of March. On the night 
of the 4th, general Thomas, with a considerable detachment, 
took possession of the heights of Dorchester. By great ex- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 83 

ertions this party, in the course of the night, nearly covered 
themselves from the shot of the enemy. The appearance of 
their works caused no little surprise in the British camp. 
They were every hour advancing-, so as to afford additional 
security to the Americans posted behind them. — The Admiral 
informed general Howe, that, if the Americans held posses- 
sion of these heights, he would not be able to keep one of 
the British ships in the harbour. The enemy were now 
brought to the alternatives which Washington had desired. 
They must either risk an action beyond their lines, or abandon 
the place. General Howe preferred the former, and ordered 
three thousand men on this service. These were embarked 
and descended to the castle, with the intention of yiroceeding 
up the river to the attack, but were dispersed by a tremen- 
dous storm ; and, before they could be again collected, the 
American works were advanced to such a state of security, 
as to discourage any attempt against them. 

Expecting an immediate assault on the newly raised works 
at Dorchester, and judging that the best troops of the enemy 
would be ordered on that service, Washington had prepared 
to attack the town of Boston at the same time ; and four thou- 
sand men v/ere read}/ foi- et'ibavkation at the mouth of Cam- 
bridge river, to proceed on this design, as soon as it whs 
known that the British had gone out in force to their intend- 
ed attack. It was now resolved by the British to evacuate 
Boston as soon as possible. — In a few days afterwards, a flag 
came out of Boston, with a paper signed by four selectmen, 
informing, " That they had applied to general Robertson, 
who, on application to general Howe, was authorized to as- 
sure them, that he had no intention of burning the town, un- 
less the troops under his command were molested during 
their embarkation, or at their departure, by the armed force 
without." When this paper was presented to General Wash- 
ington, he replied, " that, as it was an unauthenticated paper, 
and without address, and not obligatory on general Howe, 
he could take no notice of it," but at the same time he inti- 
mated " his good wishes for the safety of the town." 

Washington made arrangements for the security of his ar- 
my, but did not advance his works, nor embarrass the British 
army in their proposed evacuation. He wished to save Bos- 
ton, and to gain time for the fortification of New York, to 
which place he supposed the evacuating army was destipedi 



S4 THE LIFE OP 

Under this impression, he detached thither a considerable 
part of his army, and with the remainder took possession 
of Boston on the 17th of March, as soon as the British troops 
had completed their embarkation. 

On entering the town, Washington was received with 
marks of approbation, more flattering than the pomps of a 
triumph. Released from the severities of a garrison life 
and from the various indignities to which they had been sub 
jected, the inhabitants hailed him as their deliverer. Reci- 
procal congratulations between those who had been confined 
within the British lines, and those who were excluded from 
entering them, were exchanged, with an ardour which can- 
not be described. General Washington was honoured by 
congress with a vote of thanks. They also ordered a medal 
to be struck, with suitable devices, to perpetuate the remem- 
brance of the great event. The Massachusetts council and 
house of representatives, complimented him in a joint address, 
in which they express their good wishes in the following 
words : " May you still go on, approved by Heaven, revered 
by all good men, and dreaded by those tyrants who claim 
their fellow-men as their property." His answer wa« mO' 
^est and upprcpriiitc. 



CHAPTER HI. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 



Of the operations of General Washington in New Fork and 
New Jersey — The battle on Long Island — The retreat 
from York Island, and through Jersey — IVie battles of 
Trenton and Princeton. 

The evacuation of Boston varied the scene, but did not 
lessen the labours of Washington. Henceforward, he had 
a much more formidable enemy to oppose. The royal army 
in Boston was on a small scale, designed to awe the inhabit- 
ants of Massacliusetts into obedience ; but the campaign of 
1776 v/as opened in New York, with a force far exceeding 
any thing liiliicrto seen in America. Including the navy and 
army, it aiuounied to hfly-tive thousand men, and was cal . .- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. m 

lated on the idea of reducing the whole united colonies. The 
operations contemplated, could be best carried on from the 
nearly central province of New York ; and the army could 
be supplied with provisions from the adjacent islands, and 
easily assisted by the British navy. For these reasons, the 
evacuation of Boston, and the concentration of the royal 
forces at New York, had been for some time resolved upon 
in England. 

The reasons which induced the British to gain possession 
of New York, weighed M-ith Washington to prevent or delay 
it. He had therefore detached largely from his army before 
Boston, and sent general Lee to take the command ; and, after 
providing for the security of Boston, proceeded soon after 
the evacuation of that city, with the main army to New York, 
and made every preparation in his power for its defence. 
Considerable time was allowed for this purpose ; for general 
Howe, instead of pushing directly for New York, retired to 
Halifax with the forces withdrawn from Boston. — He there 
waited for the promised reinforcements from England ; but, 
impatient of delay, he sailed without them for New York, and 
took possession ofSiaten Island in the latter end of June. 
He was soon followed by his brother, admiral Howe, and 
their whole force was assembled about the middle of July, 
in apparent readiness for opening the campaign. Before hos- 
tilities commenced, the British general and admiral, in thei> 
quality of civil commissioners for effecting a re-union betweei 
Great Britain and the culonies, made an attempt at negotiation 
— To introduce this business, they sent a flag ashore with ; 
letter, addressed to " George Washington, Esq." This, h 
refused to receive, as not being addressed to him with th 
title due to his rank, and at the same time wrote to congress 
*' That he would not, on any occasion, sacrifice essentials t 
punctilio, but in this instance, deemed it a duty to his coun 
try, to insist on that respect, which, in any other than a pul 
lie view, he would willingly have waived." Some time aftcj 
wards, adjutant general Patterson was sent by general Howe 
with a letter addressed to " George Washington, &;c. &c. &c. 
On an interview, the adjutant general, after expressing h 
high esteem for the person and character of the Americ; 
general, and declaring that it was not intended to deroga 
from the respect due to his rank, expressed his hopes that tl 
et ceteras would remove the impediments to their correspon. 



86 THE LIFE OF 

ence. General Washington replied : " That a letter directed 
to any person in a public character, should have some descrip* 
tion of it, otherwise it would appear a mere private letter ; 
that it was true the et ceteras implied every thing, but they 
also implied any thing, and that he should therefore decline 
receiving any letter directed to him as a private person, when 
it related to his public station." A long conference ensued, 
in which the adjutant general observed, that " the commis- 
sioners were armed with great powers, and would be very 
happy in effecting an accommodation." He received for an- 
swer, " that, from what appeared, their powers were only to 
grant pardons ; that they who had committed no fault wanted 
no pardon." 

On the arrival of general Howe at Staten Island, the Ameri- 
can army did not exceed ten thousand men ; but, by sundry 
reinforcements, before the end of August it amounted to twenty- 
seven thousand. Of these, a great part were militia, and one 
fourth of the whole were sick. The diseases incident to new 
troops prevailed extensively ; and were aggravated by a great 
deficiency in tents. These troops were so judiciously dis- 
tributed on York Island, Long Island, Governor's Island, 
Paulus Hook, and on the Sound towards New Rochelle, and 
East and West Chester, that the enemy were very cautious 
in determining when or where to commence offensive opera- 
tions. — Every probable point of debarkation was watched, 
and guarded with a force sufficient to embarrass, though very 
insufficient to prevent, a landing. From the time of the ar- 
rival of the British army at Staten Island, the Americans were 
in daily expectation of being attacked. General Washington 
was therefore strenuous in preparing his troops for action. 
He tried every expedient to kindle in their breasts the love 
of their country, and a high toned indignation against its in- 
vaders. — In general orders, he addressed them as follows : 
" The time is now near at hand, which must probably deter- 
mine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves ; whether 
they are to have any property they can call their own ; whether 
their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and 
themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which 
no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn mil- 
lions will now depend, under God, on the courage and con- 
duct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leavof 
us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abje*^^ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87 

submission. — We have therefore to resolve to conquer or to 
die. — Our own, our country's honour, calls upon us for a vi- 
gorous and manly exertion, and if we now shamefully fail, 
we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us then 
rely upon the goodness of our cause, and the aid of the Su- 
preme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and en- 
courage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our 
countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their bless- 
ings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving 
them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let us there- 
fore animate and encourage each other, and show the whole 
world, that a freeman, contending for liberty on his own 
ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth." 

Meanwhile, General Washington was extremely desirous of 
making some impression upon the enemy, before their whole 
force should be collected. He conceived it to be very prac- 
ticable to cross over in the night from the mouth of Thomp- 
son's creek, a little below Elizabethtown, on the New Jersey 
shore, to Staten Island, and cut off some detached posts of 
the enemy near the Blazing Star, v/ithin a peninsula, formed 
by two creeks, which could not easily be re-inforced. This plan 
was to be executed by general Mercer, who commanded the 
flying camp, and had assisted in forming it ; but the weather, 
on the night appointed for its execution, was so very tem- 
pestuous, as to make it impossible to cross the sound in such 
boats as had been provided. 

The re-inforcements to the British army, about four hun- 
dred and fifty of whom had been captured by the American 
cruizers, were now arriving daily from Europe, and general 
Howe had been joined also by the troops from the southward. 
His strength was not accurately known, but was estimated on 
the whole, at about twenty-four thousand men. The last divi- 
sion of the Germans had not reached him, but they were not 
expected soon, and he thought himself strong enough to open 
the campaign without them. 

When the whole re-inforcements of the enemy had arrived, 
General Washington, in expectation of an immediate attack, 
again addressed his army, and called on them to remember 
that "liberty, property, life, and honour, were all at stake; 
that upon their courage and conduct, rested the hopes of their 
bleeding and insulted country ; that their wives, children, and 
parents, expected safety from them only ; and that they had 



38 THE LIFE OF 

every reason to believe, that Heaven would crown with suc- 
cess so just a cause." — He further added : " The enemy 
will endeavour to intimidate, by show and appearance ; but 
remember, they have been repulsed by a few brave Americans. 
Their cause is bad ; their men are conscious of it ; and, if 
opposed with firmness and coolness on their first onset, with 
our advantage of works and knowledge of the ground, the 
victory is most assuredly ours. Every good soldier will be 
silent and attentive ; wait for orders ; and reserve his fire until 
he is sure of doing execution. Of this, the officers are to be 
particularly careful." 

He then gave the most explicit orders, that any soldier 
who should attempt to conceal himself, or retreat without or- 
ders, should instantly be shot, as an example of the punish- 
ment of cowardice ; and desired every officer to be particu- 
larly attentive to the conduct of his men, and report those 
who should distinguish themselves by brave and noble actions. 
These he solemnly promised to notice and reward. 

On the 22d of August, the greater part of the British troopg 
landed on liong Island. Washington immediately made a 
further effort to rouse his troops to deeds of valour. " The 
enemy," said he, " have landed, and the hour is fast approach- 
ing, on which the honour and success of this army, and the 
safety of our bleeding country, depends. Remember, officers 
and soldiers, that you are freemen, fighting for the blessings 
of liberty : that slavery will be your portion, and that of your 
posterity, if you do not acquit yourselves like men. Remem- 
ber how your courage has been despised and traduced by 
your cruel invaders, though they have found, by dear expe- 
rience, at Boston, Cliarlestown, and other places, what a few 
brave men, contending in their own land, and in the best of 
causes, can do against hirelings and mercenaries. — Be cool, 
but determined. Do not fire at a distance, but wait for orders 
from your ofilcers." He repeated his injunctions, " to shoot 
down any person who should misbehave in action," and his 
hope " that none so infamous would be found ; but that, on 
the contrary^ each for himself, resolving to conquer or die, 
and trusting to the smiles of Heaven on so just a cause, would 
behave with bravery and resolution." His assurance of re- 
wards to those who should distinguish themselves, were re- 
peated, and he declared his confidence " that, if the army 
would but emulate and imitate their brave countrymen in other 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 

parts of America, they would, by a glorious victory, save their 
country, and acquire to themselves immortal honour." 

On the 5th day after their landing, the British attacked the 
Americans on Long Island, commanded by general Sullivan. 
The variety of ground, and the diiferent parties employed in 
different places, both in the attack and defence, occasioned a 
succession of small engagements, pursuits, and slaughter, 
vi^hich lasted for many hours. 

The'Americans were defeated in all directions. The cir- 
cumstances which eminently contributed to this, were, the 
superior discipline of the assailants, and the Avant of early 
intelligence of their nxovements. There was not a single 
corps of cavalry in the American army. The transmission 
of intelligence was of course always slow, and often imprac- 
ticable. From the want of it, some of their detachments, 
while retreating before one portion of the enemy, were ad- 
vancing towards another, of whose movements they were 
ignorant. 

In the height of the engagement, Washington passed over 
to Long Island, and, with infinite regret, saw the slaughter of 
his best troops, but had not the power to prevent it ; for had 
he drawn his whole force to their support, he must have 
risked every thing on a single engagement. He adopted the 
wiser plan, of evacuating the island with all the forces that 
he could bring off. In superintending this necessary, but 
difficult and dangerous movement, and the events of the pre- 
ceding day, Washington was indefatigable. For forty-eight 
hours, he never closed his eyes, and was almost constantly 
on horseback. In less than thirteen hours, the field-artillery, 
tents, baggage, and about nine thousand men, were conveyed 
from Long Island to the city of New York, over East River, 
and without the knowledge of the British, though not six 
hundred yards distant. The darkness of the night, and a 
heavy fog in the morning, together with a fair wind after 
midnight, favoured this retreat, which was completed, with- 
out interruption, some lime after the dav/ning of the day. 

The loss sustained by the American army, in the engage- 
ments on Long Island, was very considerable, but it could 
not be accurately ascertained. Numbers were supposed to 
have been drowned in the creek, or suffocated in the marsh, 
whose bodies were never found ; and exact accounts from the 
militia are seldom to be expected, as the list of the missing ia 



40 TKE LIFE OF 

always swelled by those who return to tlieir homes. General 
"Washington computes the total loss of tlie Americans at three 
thousand three hundred men ; but this computation is proba- 
bly excessive. The loss of the enemy is stated, by general 
Howe, at twenty-one officers, and three hundred and forty- 
six privates, killed, wounded and captured. 

The attempt to defend Long Island was so disastrous in its 
issue, and believed to have been so perilous in itself, that per- 
sons were not wanting who condemned it; and it is yet re- 
presented as a great error in the commander-in-chief. But, 
in deciding upon the wisdom of measures, the event will not 
always lead to a correct judgment. .Before a just opinion 
can be formed, it is necessary to consider the previous state 
of things ; to weigh the motives which led to the decision, 
and to compare the value of the object,^ and the probability 
of securing it, with the hazards attending the attempt. — The 
importance of the town of New York, and of Long Island, 
to either party, has been already stated, and was, throughout 
the war, very clearly demonstrated. It w^as extremely de- 
sirable to maintain the posscscion of both, or, if that could 
not be done, to consume the campaign in the struggle for 
them. The abandonment of Long Island, besides giving the 
enemy secure and immediate possession of our extensive and 
fertile country, would certainly very much facilitate the suc- 
cess of their attempt upon New York. It was therefore to 
be avoided, if possible. 

The impossibility of avoiding it was not evident, until the 
battle had been fought. It was true, that the American force on 
the island could not be rendered equal, even in point of num- 
bers, to tlie enemy ; but, with the advantage of the defensi- 
ble country, through which it was necessary to pass, and of 
a fortilied camp, which could be attacked only on oae side, 
considerable hopes might be entertained, without being over 
sanguine, of at least maintaining the position for a considera- 
ble time. — That such an opinion was not ill-founded, seems 
to be evidenced by the cautious movement of general Howe, 
who, even after the victory of the 27th, was not disposed to 
attack it without the co-operation of the fleet, but chose to 
carry it rather by regular approaches. Nor would the situa- 
tion of the troops on Long Island have been desperate, even 
in the event of a conjoint attacli^ both by land and water, be- 
fore their strength and spirits were broken by the action of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON". 41 

the twenty-seventh. — The East River was guarded by very 
strong batteries, on both sides ; and its entrance, from the 
bay, was defended by Governor's Island, which was fortified 
and garrisoned by two regiments. The ships could not lie 
in that river, without first silencing those batteries, an opera- 
tion which would have been found extremely difficult, and 
therefore their aid could be given only when a storm of the 
works should be intended ; and when that should appear im- 
practicable, the troops should be withdrawn from the island. 

There was then, certainly, in the plan of maintaining Long 
Island, considerable hazard ; but not so much as to demon- 
strate the propriety of relinquishing a post of so much im- 
portance, without a struggle to preserve it. 

The unsuccessful termination of tlie late action, led to con- 
sequences more seriously alarming to the Americans, than 
the loss of their men. Hitherto, they had had such confi- 
dence in themselves, because engaged in the cause of liberty 
and their country, that it outweighed all their apprehensions 
from the exact discipline of the British troops ; but now find- 
ing that many of them had been encircled ih inextricable dif- 
ficulties by the superior military skill of their adversaries, 
they went to the opposite extreme, and began to think very 
indifferently of themselves and their leaders, when opposed 
to disciplined troops. — As often as they saw the enemy ap- 
proaching, they suspected a military maneuvre, from which 
they supposed nothing could save them but immediate flight. 
Apprehensions of this kind might naturally be expected, from 
citizen-soldiers, lately taken from agricultural pursuits, who 
expected to lay aside the military character at the end of the 
ensuing year. Washington, tremblingly alive to the state of 
the army, wrote to congress, on the sixth day after the defeat 
on Long Island, as follows : " Our situation is truly distress- 
ing. The check which our detachment lately sustained, has 
dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and tilled their 
minds with apprehensions and despair. — The militia, instead 
of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly op- 
position, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intrac- 
table, and impatient to return. Great numbers of them 
have gone off; in some instances, almost by whole regi- 
ments ; in many, by half regiments, and by companies at a 
time. This circumstance of itself, independent of others, 
when fronted by a w^ell appointed enemy, superior in number 

d2 



42 THE LIFE OF 

to our whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagree- 
able ; but when it is added, that their example has affected 
another part of the army ; that their want of discipline, and 
refusal of almost every kind of restraint and government, 
have rendered a like conduct but too common in the whole, 
and have produced an entire disregard of that order and sub- 
ordination which is necessary for an army ; our condition 
is still more alarming, and with tlie deepest concern I am 
obliged to confess my want of confidence in the generality 
of the troops. — All these circumstances fully confirm the 
opinion I ever entertained, and which I more than once in 
my letters took the liberty of mentioning to congress, tliat 
no dependence could be put in a militia, or other troops than 
those enlisted and embodied for a longer period than our re- 
gulations liave hitherto prescribed. I am fully convinced 
that our liberties must of necessity be greatly hazarded, if 
not entirely lost, if their defence be left to any but a perma- 
nent army. 

"Nor would the expense incident to the support of such 
a body of troops, as would be competent to every exigency,, 
far exceed that which is incurred by calling in daily succours, 
and new enlistments, which, when effected, are not attended 
with any good consequences. Men who have been free, and 
subject to no control, cannot be reduced to order in an in- 
stant ; and the privileges and exemptions which they claim, 
and will have, influence the conduct of others, in such a man- 
ner, that the aid derived from them is nearly counterbalanced 
by the disorder, irregularity, and confusion, they occasion." 

Unfortunately, causes in addition to those so often stated, 
existed in a great part of the army. In New England, whence 
the war had as yet been principally supported, the zeal ex- 
cited by the revolution had taken such a direction, as, in a 
great degree, to abolish those distinctions between the pla- 
toon-olRcers and the soldiers, which are so indispensable to 
the formation of an army, capable of being applied to all the 
purposes of war. In many instances, these officers, who 
constitute so important a part of every army, were elected by 
the men ; and a disposition to associate with them on the 
footing of equality, was a recommendation of much more 
weight, and frequently conduced much more to the choice, 
than individual merit. In some instances, those were elected, 
who agreed to put their pay into mess with the privates, and 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43 

to divide equally with them. Amongst such officers, the 
most disgraceful and unmilitary practices frequently prevailed ; 
and the privates could not sufficiently respect them, to acquire 
habits of obedience and subordination. , 

In fourteen days after the serious remonstrance of General 
Washington, congress resolved to raise eighty-eight battalions, 
to serve during the war. Under these circumstances, to pro- 
tract the campaign with as little loss as possible, so as to 
gain time to raise a permanent army for the service of the 
next year, was to the Americans an object of the greatest 
importance. 

General Washington, after much deliberation, determined on 
a war of posts. Recent events confirmed him in the policy 
of defending his country by retreating, when he could no 
longer stand his ground without risking his army. Pie well 
knew, that, by adopting it, he would subject himself to the 
imputation of wanting energy and decision ; but with him 
the love of country was paramount to all other considera- 
tions. 

In conformity with these principles, tlie evacuation of New 
York was about this time resolved upon, whensoever it could 
no longer be maintained without risking the army. Arrange- 
ments were accordingly made, for a temporary defence, and 
an ultimate retreat when necessity required. The British, 
now in possession of Long Island, could at pleasure pass over 
to York Island, or to the main land. Washington was ap- 
prehensive that they would land above him, cut off his re- 
treat, and force him to a general action on York island. He 
therefore moved his public stores to Dobbs's Ferry, and sta- 
tioned twelve thousand men at the northern end of York 
Island. Witli the remainder, he kept up the semblance of 
defending New York, though he had determined to abandon 
it, rather than risk his army for its preservation. 

While Washington was making arrangements to save his 
troops and stores by evacuating and retreating, the British 
commander was prosecuting his favourite scheme of forcing 
(he Americans to a general action, or breaking the communi- 
cation between their posts. With this view, he landed about 
four thousand men at Kipp's Bay, three miles above New 
York, under cover of five men of war. Works had been 
thrown up at this place, which were capable of being defended 
for some time, and troops were stationed in them for that 



44 THE LIFE OP 

purpose ; but they fled with precipitation, without waiting 
for the approacli of the enemy. — Two brigades were put into 
motion to support them. General Washing-ton rode to the scene 
of action, and, to his great mortification, met the whole party 
retreating. While he was exerting himself to rally them, on 
the appearance of a small corps of the enemy, they again 
broke, and ran oil in disorder. Conduct so dastardly, raised 
a tempest in the unusually tranquil mind of General Washing- 
ton. Having embarked in the American cause from the 
purest principles, he viewed, with infinite concern, this shame- 
ful behaviour, as threatening ruin to his country. He recol- 
lected the many declarations of congress, of the army, and 
of the inhabitants, preferring liberty to life, and death to dis- 
honour, and contrasted them with their present scandalous 
flight. His soul- was harrovv^ed up with apprehensions that 
his country would be conquered, her army disgraced, and her 
liberties jdestroyed. He anticipated, in imagination, that the 
Americans would appear to posterity in the light of high 
sounding boasters, who blustered when danger was at a dis- 
tance, but shrunk at the shadow. of -opposition. — Extensive 
confiscations, and numerous attainders, presented themselves 
in full view to liis agitated mind. He saw, in imagination, 
newly formed states, with the means of defence in their hands, 
and tlie glorious prospects of liberty before them, lovelled to 
the dust, and such constitutions imposed upon them, as were 
likely to crush the vigour of the human mind ; while the un- 
successful issue of the present struggle, would, for ages to 
come, deter posterity from the bold design of asserting their 
rights. — Impressed with these ideas, he hazarded his person 
for some considerable time in rear of his own men, and in 
front of the enemy, with his horse's head towards the latter, 
as if in expectation that, by an honourable death, he might 
escape the infamy which he dreaded from the dastardly con- 
duct of troops on whom he could place no dependence. His 
aids-de-camp, and the confidential friends around his person, 
by indirect violenc^.e, compelled him to retire. In consequence 
of their address and importunity, a life was saved for public 
service, which otherwise, from a sense of honour and a gust 
of passion, seemed to be devoted to almost certain destruc- 
tion. 

The shameful events of this day hastened the evacuatioa 
4>f New York. This was eifected with very little loss of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45 

men, but all the heavy artillery, and a large portion of the 
bagg-age, provisions, military stores, and particularly the 
tents, were unavoidably left behind. The loss of the last 
mentioned article was severely felt in that season, when cold 
weather was rapidly approaching. 

The British, having got possession of the city of New 
York, advanced in front of it, and stretched their encamp- 
ments across York Island; while their shipping defended 
their flanks. 

Soon after their entrance into the city, a fire broke out, in 
the night, about eleven o'clock, and continued to rage until 
the next morning, wlien it was extinguished by great exer- 
tions on the part of the military stationed in the town, after 
having consumed about one third of the buildings. It is said 
to have been purposely set on lire, and several individuals, 
believed to have perpetrated the act, were precipitated into 
the flames. It was alleged, by the enemy, that the American 
General had designed to reduce the tovv^n to ashes, had he not 
been compelled to abandon it so hastily as to render the exe- 
cution of this intention impracticable, and that the fire was 
in 6onsequence of this design. But this allegation is founded 
entirely on mistake. Neither the congress, nor General 
Washington, had formed so destructive a plan ; and the fire 
must have been kindled either by individuals, whose mis- 
guided zeal induced them to adopt so terrible a measure, or 
by flagitious incendiaries, who hoped to plunder in security 
during the confusion of extinguishing the flames. 

Washington had made his strongest post at Kingsbridge, 
as that preserved his communications with the country. In 
front of this, and near to the British, he had a strong detach- 
ment posted in an entrenched camp. This position of the 
two armies was particularly agreeable to him ; for he wished 
to accustom his raw troops to face their enemies, hoping that 
by frequent skirmishes they would grow so familiar with the 
dangers incident to war, as to fear them less. — Opportunities 
of making the experiment, soon occurred. On the day after 
the retreat from New York, a skirmish occurred, between an 
advanced detachment of the British army and some Ameri- 
can troops, commanded by colonel Knowlton, of Connecti- 
cut, and major Leitch, of Virginia. Both these officers fell, 
bravely fighting at the head of their troops. The captains 
with their men kept the ground, and fairly beat their adver- 



46 THE LIFE OP 

saries from the field. — This was the first advantage which the 
army under the command of Washington had gained in the cam- 
paign. Its influence on the army was great. To increase its ef- 
fects, the parole the next day was " Leitch ;" and the general 
gave public thanks to the troops engaged in that gallant ac- 
tion. He contrasted their conduct with the late shameful 
flight of the troops from the works on Kipp's Bay, and ob- 
served, " That the result proved what might be done, where 
officers and men exerted themselves ;" and again called on all 
** so to act, as not to disgrace the noble cause in which they 
were engaged.'* 

General Howe continued to prosecute his scheme for cut- 
ting off Washington's communication with the eastern states, 
and enclosing him so as to compel a general engagement. 
With this view, the royal army landed on Frog's Neck, in 
West Chester county, and soon afterwards advanced to New 
Rochelle, and made sundry successive movements, all calcu- 
lated to efl'ect this purpose. A few skirmishes occurred ; 
but a general action was carefully avoided by Washington, 
except in one case, in which he had so manifest an advan- 
tage from his position on hills near the White Plains, that 
general Howe declined it. — The project of getting into the 
rear of the American army, was, in like manner, frustrated, 
by frequent and judicious changes of its position. General 
Howe, failing in his first design, adopted a new plan of ope- 
rations. His efforts were henceforward directed to an inva- 
sion of New Jersey. Washington, penetrating his designs, 
crossed the North River. He wrote to William Livingston, 
governor of New Jersey, urging him to put the militia of 
that state into the best condition to defend their country, 
and also recommending the removal of cattle and provisions 
from the sea-coast. — About this time. Fort Washington was 
taken by storm, and the garrison, consisting of more than two 
thousand men, with their commander, colonel Magaw, sur- 
rendered prisoners of war. This was the only post held by 
the Americans on York Island ; and was an exception to the 
general plan of evacuating and retreating. Hopes had been 
indulged that it might be defended, and, in conjunction with 
Fort Lee, on the opposite Jersey shore, made useful in em- 
barrassing the passage of British vessels on the North River. 
This post having fallen, orders for the evacuation of Fort 
Lee were immediately given ; but before the stores could bo 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47 

removed, lord Cormvallis crossed the North River with six 
thousand men. — Washington, retreating before him, took 
post along the Hackensack. His situation tliere was nearly 
similar to that which he had abandoned ; for he was liable to 
be enclosed between the Hackensack and the Passaic rivers. 
He therefore, on the approach of the enemy, passed over to 
Newark. He stood his ground tliere for some days, as if de- 
termined on resistance ; but, being incapable of any effectual 
opposition, he retreated to Brunswick, on the day that lord 
Cornwallis entered Newark. At Brunswick, Washington 
kept his troops in motion, and even advanced a small detach- 
ment, as if intending to engage the enemy. Nor did he quit 
this position until tlieir advanced guards were in sight. — 
Lord Sterling was left at Princeton with twelve hundred men, 
to watch the British ; and Washington proceeded with the 
residue to Trenton. There, he meant to make a stand. Or- 
ders were previously given, to collect and guard all the boats 
for seventy miles on the Delaware. The baggage and stores 
were also passed over. These being secured, Washington 
detached twelve hundred men to Princeton, to keep up the 
appearance of opposition, and soon followed with about two 
thousand militia, who had recently joined him.— Before he 
reached Princeton, intelligence was received, that lord Corn- 
wallis, strongly reinforced, was advancing from Brunswick 
in different directions, with the apparent design of getting 
into his rear. An immediate retreat over the Delaware be- 
came necessary. Tliis was effected on the 8th of Decem- 
ber. Washington secured all his boats on the Pennsylvania 
side ; broke down the bridges on roads leading to the oppo- 
site shores, and posted his troops at the different fords. So 
keen was the pursuit, that, as tlie rear-guard of the retreat- 
ing army embarked, the van of the enemy came in sight. 

The British, having driven the American army out of New 
Jersey, posted themselves along the Delaware, and small 
parties passed and repassed from one to the other, without 
any interruption. They made some attempts to procure 
boats, but failed. They also repaired some of the bridges 
that had been recently destroyed, and pushed forward a 
strong detachment for Bordenton. This was intended to in- 
crease their chances for crossing, and to embarrass Wash- 
ington, who could not foresee from which of their several 
positions they would make the attempt. 



48 THE LIFE OF 

General Putnam was in the mean time sent forward to su- 
perintend tlie erection of lines of defence from the Scliuylkill 
to the Delaware, for the security of Pliiladclphia. Small 
redoubts were hastily thrown up, to guard tlie fords ; and 
Germantown was fixed upon as a place of rendezvous, in 
case the British should cross, and drive tlie Americans from 
their extended encampments on the Delaware. This retreat 
tlirough New Jersey was attended witli almost every circum- 
stance that could occasion embarrassment or depression. — 
Washington was depressed by difllculties on all sides. In 
casting iiis eyes around, he could not promise himself ade- 
quate support IVom any quarter. His gloomy prospects Avere 
not briglitened by any expectations, on tlie fulfilment of 
which lie could depend. Distrusting, but not despairing, he 
asked colonel Reed, " Should we retreat to the back parts 
of Pennsylvania, will the Pennsylvanians support us ?" — 
The colonel answered, " If the lower counties are subdued 
and give up, the back counties will do the same." Wash- 
ington nobly replied, " We must retire to Augusta county, 
in Virginia. Numbers will be obliged to repair to us for 
safety, and we must try what we can do, in carrying on a 
predatory war ; and, if overpowered, we must cross the Alle- 
ghany mountains." - 

General Wasliins^tonhad no cavalry, except a small corps 
of badly mounted (Jonnecticut militia, and was almost equal- 
ly destitute of artillery, Avhile conducting this retreat. It 
commenced in a few days after the reduction of Fort Wash- 
ington, in which the flower of the American army were made 
prisoners of war. A great part of the retreating troops con- 
sisted of those who had garrisoned Fort Lee. These had 
been compelled to abandon their post so suddenly, that they 
left behind them their tents, blankets, and cooking utensils. 
In this situation, they retreated, badly armed, worse clad, and 
in many instances barefooted, in the cold months of Novem- 
ber and December, through a desponding country, more dis- 
posed to seek safety by submission, than resistance. — Under 
all these disadvantages, they performed a march of about 
ninety miles, and had the address to prolong it to a space of 
nineteen days ; tliat as much time as possible might be 
gained for expected reinforcements to arrive. As they re- 
treated through the country, scarcely one of the inhabitants 
joined them, while numbers daily flocked to the British army. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49 

and took the benefit of a royal proclamation, issued at this 
critical time, for pardoning all who, within sixty days, would 
return to the condition of British subjects. 

The small force which began this retreat, was daily les- 
sening, by the expiration of the term of service for which 
they were engaged. This terminated in November with 
many, and in December with nearly two thirds of the re- 
mainder. No persuasions were availing, to induce their con- 
tinuance. They abandoned their general, when the advan- 
cing army were nearly in sight. The Pennsylvania militia 
were engaged to the first of January, but they deserted in so 
great numbers, tliat it became necessary to place guards at 
the ferries to intercept them. Two regiments had been or- 
dered from Ticonderoga, to join General Washington ; buf 
their term of service expired on the first of December. They 
refused to )"^-enlist, and every one of them departed. 

Genor^ je, who commanded the eastern troops, was re- 
peatedly ordered by Washington to cross the North River, and 
join the retreating army, but these orders were not obeyed. 
He manifested a strong disposition to maintain his 'separate 
command, and rather to hang on and threaten the rear of the 
enemy, than strengthen the army in their front. With this 
view, he proposed to establish himself at Morristown ; but, on 
receiving a letter from General Washington, stating his disap- 
probation of this plan, w^iich, though proper in itself, and un- 
der other circumstances, was- now totally inadmissible, as the 
army, without this re-inforcement, was not strong enough to 
stop the march of the enemy to Philadelphia — and pressing 
him to come on-— he still declared an opinion in favour of 
Ids own proposition, and proceeded reluctantly tov/ards the 
Delaware. While on this march through Pvlorris county, 
and at a distance of about twenty miles from the enemy, he, 
very indiscreetly, quartered, under a slight guard, in a house 
about three miles from Iiis army. — Information of this circum- 
stance was given, by a countryman, to colonel Harcourt, at 
that time detached, v/ith a body of cavalry, for the purpose 
of gaining intelligence concerning his movements, who im- 
mediately formed and executed the design of seizing him. 
By a rapid march, this corps of cavalry, very early in tlie 
morning, reached the house where the general lodged, 
who received no intimation of its approach until the house 
was surrounded, and he found himself a prisoner to colonel 
' E 



50 THE LIFE OF 

Harcourt, who bore him off in triumph to the British army-,-, 
where he was for some time treated, not as a prisoner of war, 
but as a deserter from the British service. 

Xhis misfortune made a very serious impression throughout 
the United States. The confidence, originally placed in gene- . 
ral Lee, created by his experience and real talents, had been 
greatly increased by the success which had attended him while 
commanding in the southern department. Li addition to this, 
it was generally believed, that his opinions, during the mili- . 
tary operations in New York, had contributed to the adop- 
tion of those judicious movements, which had, in a great 
measure, defeated the plans of the enemy, in that quarter. 
It was also believed, but without any certain knowledge of the 
fact, that he had opposed the majority in the council of war, 
which determined to maintain forts Washington and Lee.— No 
officer, except the commander-in-chief, possessed, at that time, 
so large a portion of i the confidence, either of the army, or 
the country.; and his loss was almost universally bewailed, 
as the greatest calamity that had befallen the American 
arms. It was regretted by no person more than by General 
Washington himself, who highly esteemed his merit as a 
soldier, and sincerely lamented his captivity, both on ac-. 
count of his personal feelings, and of the public interest.- 
Suspicions, indeed, very generally prevailed, that, despair- 
ing of the success of the Americans, he had chosen to aban- 
don their service ; and these apprehensions, though unfound- 
ed, produced the • same mischievous effects on the minds of 
the people, as if they were realities. 

About the same time, congress thought it expedient to 
leave Philadelphia^ and retire to Baltimore. 

Under all these trying^ circumstances, Washington was 
undismayed. He did not despair of the public safety. With 
unconquerable firmness, and the most perfect self-posses- 
sion, he was always the same, and constantly showed him- 
self to his army with a serene and undisturbed countenance. 
Nothing was omitted by him, that could embarrass the ene- 
my, or animate his army and country. He forcibly pointed 
out to congress the defective constitution of their army, with- 
out cavalry, without artillery and engineers ; and enlarged 
upon the impolicy of short enlistments, and placing confi- 
dence in militia suddenly called out, and frequently changed.— 
He urged these matters with great warmth ; but, to prevent^ 



GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 51 

^offence, added, "A character to lose ; an estate to forfeit; 
' the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake ; and a life de- 
voted ; must be my excuse." JHe also hinted at the pro- 
priety of enlarging his powers, so as to enable him to act in 
cases of urgency, without application to congress ; but apolo- 
gized for this liberty, by declaring, " that he felt no lust of 
power, and wdshed, with the greatest fervency, for an opportu- 
nity of turning his sword into a ploughshare ;" but at the 
'same time adding, that " his feelings, as an officer and a man, 
had been such as to force him to say, that no person ever 
had a greater choice of difficulties to contend with than 
himself." 

In this very dangerous crisis, Washington made every ex- 
ertion to procure re-inforcements, to supply the place of 
those who were daily leaving him. He sent generals Mif- 
flin and Armstrong to rouse the citizens of Pennsylvania. 
Colonel Reed was d,espatched to governor Livingston, to re- 
present to him the necessity of calling out the New Jersey 
militia. These exertions were in a great measure unavail- 
ing, except in and near the city of Philadelphia. Fifteen 
hundred of the citizens of that nletropolis associated together, 
and marched to the aid of Washington. Though most of 
these were accustomed to a city life, they slept in tents, 
barns, and sometimes in the open air, during the cold months 
of December and January. 

On the capture of general Lee, the command of his army 
devolved on general Sullivan, who, in obedience to the or- 
ders formerly given, joined General Washington. About the 
same time, an addition was made to his force, by the arrival 
of a part of the northern army. The Americans now amount- 
ed to about seven thousand men, though, during the retreat 
through New Jersey, they were seldom equal to half that 
number. The two armies were separated from each other 
by the river Delaware. The British, in the security of con- 
quest, cantoned their troops in Burlington, Bordenton, Tren- 
ton, and other towns in New Jersey, in daily expectation of 
being enabled to cross into Pennsylvania, by means of ice, 
which is generally formed about that time. On receiving in- 
formation of their numbers and different cantonments, Wash- 
ington observed, " Now is the time to clip their wings, when 
they are so spread." Yielding to his native spirit of enter- 
prise, which had hitherto been repressed, he formed the bold 



52 THE LIFE OF 

design of recrossing the Delaware, and attacking the British 
posts on its eastern banks. 

In the evening of Christmas day, he made arrangements for 
passing over in three divisions, at M'Konkey's ferry, at Tren- 
ton, and at or near Bordenton. The troops which were to 
have crossed at the last two places, exerted themselves to 
pass over, but failed, from the quantity of ice Avhich obstruct- 
ed their passage. The main body, about two thousand four 
hundred men, began to cross very early in the evening, but 
were so retarded by ice, that it was nearly four o'clock in 
the morning before they were in a condition to form their 
line of march on the New Jersey side. They were formed 
into two divisions. One was ordered to proceed on the lower 
or river road ; the other, on the upper or Pennington road. — 
These, having nearly the same distance to march, were or- 
dered, immediately on forcing the outguards, to push directly 
into Trenton, that they might charge the enemy before they 
had time to form. Though they marched by different roads, 
yet they arrived within three minutes of each other. The 
outguards of the Hessian troops at Trenton, soon fell back ; 
but kept up a constant retreating fire. Their main body 
being hard pressed by the Americans, who had already got 
possession of half their artillery, attempted to file off by a 
road leading towards Princeton, but were checked by a body 
of troops thrown in their way. — Finding they were sur- 
rounded, they laid down their arms. The number which 
submitted was twenty-three officers, and eight hundred and 
eighty-six privates. Between thirty and forty of the Hes- 
sians were killed and wounded. Colonel Rahl was amongst 
the former, and seven of his officers amongst the latter. 
Captain Washington, of the Virginia troops, and five or six 
of the Americans, were wounded. Two were killed, and 
two or three were frozen to death. 

The detachment in Trenton consisted of the regiments of 
Rahl, Rosberg, and Kniphausen, amounting in the whole to 
about fifteen hundred men, and a troop of British light horse. 
All these were killed or captured, except about six hundred, 
who escaped by the road leading to Bordenton. 

The British had a strong battalion of liglit infantry at 
Princeton, and a force yet remaining near the Delaware, su- 
perior to the American army. Washington, therefore, in the 
evening of the same day, thought it most prudent to cross 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53 

into Pennsylvania with his prisoners. These being secured, 
he recrossed the Delaware, and took possession of Trenton. 
The detachments which had been distributed over New 
Jersey, previous to the capture of the Hessians, immediately 
after that event assembled at Princeton, and were joined by 
the army from Brunswick under lord Cornwallis. From 
this position, they came forward to Trenton in great force, 
hoping, by a vigorous onset, to repair the injury which theii 
cause had sustained by the late defeat. 

Truly delicate, was the situation of the feeble American 
army. To retreat, was to hazard the city of Philadelphia, 
and to destroy every ray of hope which began to dawn from 
their late success. To risk an action with a superior force 
in front, and a river in their rear, was dangerous in the ex- 
treme. To get round the advanced party of the British, and 
by pushing forwards to attack in their rear, was deemed pre- 
ferable to either. _ The British, on their advance from Prince- 
ton, attacked a body of Americans which were posted with 
four field-pieces a little to the northward of Trenton, and 
compelled them to retreat. — The pursuing British, being 
checked at the bridge over Assanpinck creek by some field- 
pieces, fell back so far as to be out of their reach. The 
Americans were drawn up on the opposite side of the creek, 
and in that position remained until night, cannonading the 
enemy, and receiving their fire. In this critical hour, two 
armies, on which the success or failure of the American revo- 
lution materially depended, were crowded into the small vil- 
lage of Trenton ; and separated only by a creek in many 
places fordable. 

The British, believing they had all the advantages that 
they conld desire, and that they could use them when they 
})leased, dfscontinued all further operations, and kept them- 
selves in readiness to make the attack next morning. But 
the next morning presented a scene, as brilliant on the one 
side, as it was unexpected on the other. Soon after it be- 
came dark, Washington ordered ail his baggage to be si- 
lently removed, and, having left guards for the purpose of 
deception, marched, with his whole force, by a circuitous 
route, to Princeton. — This maneuvre was determined upon 
in a council of war, from a conviction that it would avoid the 
appearance of a retreat, and at the same time the hazard of 
an action in a bad position ; and that it was the most likelj 

E 2 



54 THE LIFE OP 

way to preserve the city of Philadelphia from falling into the 
hands of the British. Washington also presumed, that, from 
an eagerness to efface the impressions made by the late cap- 
ture of the Hessians at Trenton, the British commanders had 
pushed forward their principal force, and that the remainder 
in the rear at Princeton, was not more than equal to his 
own. — The event verified this conjecture. The more effectu- 
ally to disguise the departure of the Americans from Tren- 
ton, fires were lighted in front of their camp. These not 
only gave an appearance of going to rest, but, as flame can* 
not be seen through, concealed from the British what was 
transacting behind them. In this relative position, they were 
a pillar of fire to the one army, and a pillar of cloud to 
the other. — Providence favoured this movement of the Ameri- 
cans. The weather had been for some time so warm and 
moist, that the ground was soft and the roads so deep, as to 
be scarcely passable ; but the wind suddenly changed to the 
northwest, and the ground in a short time was frozen so 
hard, that, when the Americans took up their line of march, 
they were no more retarded than if they had been upon a 
solid pavement. 

Washington reached Princeton early in the morning, and 
would have completely surprised the British, had not a party, 
which was on their way to Trenton, descried his troops 
when they were about two miles distant, and sent back 
couriers to alarm their unsuspecting fellow-soldiers in their 
rear. These consisted of the 17th, the 40th, and 55th regi- 
ments of British infantry, and some of the royal artillery 
with two field-pieces, and three troops of light dragoons. 
The centre of the Americans, consisting of the Philadelphia 
militia, while on their line of march, was briskly charged by 
a party of the British, and gave way in disorder.-^— The mo- 
ment was critical. Washington pushed forward, and placed 
himself between his own men and the British, with his 
horse's head fronting the latter. The Americans, encouraged 
by his examjtle and exhortations, made a stand, and returned 
the British fire. The general, though between both parties, 
was providentially uninjured by either. A party of the 
British fled into the college, and were there attacked with 
field-pieces, which were fired into it. — The seat of the muses 
became for some time the scene of action. The ^arty which 
had taken refuge in the college, after receiving a few dis- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55 

charges from the American field-pieces, came out and sur- 
rendered themselves prisoners of war. In the course of the 
engagement, sixty of the British were killed, and a great 
number wounded, and about three hundred of them taken 
prisoners. The rest made their escape, some by pushing 
on to Trenton ; others by returning to Brunswick. 

While they were fighting in Princeton, the British in 
Trenton were under arms, and on the point of making an 
assault on the evacuated camp of the Americans. With so 
much address had the movement to Princeton been con- 
ducted, that though, from the critical situation of the two 
armies, every ear may be supposed to have been open, and 
every watchfulness to have been employed, yet Washington 
moved completely off the ground, with his whole force, 
stores, baggage, and artillery, without the knowledge of, and 
unsuspected by, his adversaries. The British in Trenton 
were so entirely deceived, that, when they heard the report of 
the artillery at Princeton, though it was in the depth of 
winter, they supposed it to be thunder. 

Astonished at these bold movements of an enemy thought 
to be vanquished, the British instantly fell back with their 
whole force, and abandoned every post held by them to the 
southward of New York, except Brunswick and Amboy. 



CHAPTER IV. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 



Operations of General Washington, in New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, in the campaign of 1777. The battles 
of Brandywine and Germantown. Washington is ttd- 
vised by the Rev. Jacob Duche, to give up the contest. 
The distresses of the American army. Its winter quar- 
ters at Valley Forge. General Washington is assailed 
by the clamoicrs of discontented individuals and public 
bodies, and by the designs of a faction to supersede him 
in his office as commander-in-chief. 

The victories at Trenton and Princeton produced the most 
extensive effects, and had a decided influence on subsequent 
events. Philadelphia was saved for that winter. Ne^ 



56 THE LIFE OF 

Jersey was recovered. The drooping spirits of the Ameri- 
cans were revived. The gloomy apprehensions which had 
lately prevailed, of their being engaged in a hopeless cause, 
yielded to a confidence in their general and their army, and 
in the ultimate success of their struggles for liberty and in- 
dependence. So strong an impulse was given to the recruit- 
ing service in every part of the United States, as gave good 
ground to hope, that the commander-in-chief would be 
enabled to take the field in the spring, with a permanent 
regular army, on the new terms of enlistment. 

After the campaign had been thus carried into the month 
0<f January, Washington retired to Morristown, that he might 
afford shelter to his suffering army. His situation there was 
far from being eligible. His force, for some considerable 
time, was trifling, when compared with that of the Britisl] ; 
but the enemy and his own countrymen believed the contrary. 
Their deception was cheri>3hed and artfully continued by the 
parade of a large army. Washington placed his officers in 
positions of difficult access, and they kept up a constant 
communication with each other. This secured them from 
insult and surprise. While they covered the country, they 
harrassed the foraging parties of the British, and confined 
them to narrow limits. 

The remainder of the winter-season passed over in a lighl 
war of skirmishes ; generally in favour of the Americans. 
But Washington's views were much more extensive. He 
hoped that his country, encouraged by the late successes at 
Trenton and Princeton, would have placed at his disposal a 
large and efHcient army, equal to that of the enemy. To 
obtain it, he urged with great earnestness the advantage of 
being enabled to undertake decisive operations before rein- 
forcements to the British should arrive. — Congress, at his 
desire, passed the requisite resolutions, but these could 
not be carried into effect, without the aid of the state legisla- 
tures. The delays incident to this slow mode of doing 
business, added to the recollection of the suffering of the 
troops in the last campaign, retarded the recruiting service ; 
and Wasliington, with infinite reluctance, was obliged to 
give up his favourite project of an early active campaign. 

In the advance of the spring, when recruits were obtained, a 
difficulty arose in assembling them from the different states in 
which they had been enlisted. As the British had possession 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57 

of the ocean, tliey could at pleasure transfer the war to any 
maritime portion of the union. Each state, anxious for its 
particular safety, claimed protection from the common army 
of the whole. Had they been indul^d, the feeble remnant 
under the immediate direction of the commander-in-chief, 
would have been unequal to any great enterprise. — To these 
partial calls, he opposed all his authority and influence ; and 
his pointed representations made an impression in favour of 
primary objects. These were to prevent the British from 
getting possession of Philadelphia, or the highlands on the 
Hudson. Both were of so nearly equal importance to their 
interest, that it was impossible to ascertain which Avould 
be preferred by sir William Howe. In this uncertainty, 
Washington made such an arrangement of his troops, as 
would enable him' to oppose either. — The northern troops 
were divided between Ticonderoga and Peekskiil ; while 
those from New Jersey and the south were encamped at 
Middlebrook, near the Rariton. The American force, collected 
at this strong and defensible encampment, was nominally 
between nine and ten thousand men; but the effective rank 
and file was about six thousand. A majority of these were 
raw recruits ; and a considerable number of such as had 
been enlisted in the middle states, Avere foreigners or ser- 
vants. — To encourage the desertion of troops so slightly 
attached to the American cause, general Howe offered a re- 
ward to every soldier, who would come over to his army, 
and an additional compensation to such as would bring ^^ith 
them their arms. To counteract these propositions, Wash- 
ington recommended to congress to give full pardon to all 
Americans who would relinquish the British service. 

The campaign opened early in June on the part of the 
British, who advanced towards Philadelphia as far as Somer- 
set county in New Jersey ; but they soon fell back to New 
Brunswick. After this retreat, sir William Howe endea- 
voured to provoke Washington to an engagement, and left 
no maneuvre untried, that was calculated to induce him to 
quit his position. At one time, he appeared as if he intended 
to push on, without regarding the army opposed to him. 
At another, he accurately examined the situation of the 
American encampment, hoping that some unguarded part 
might be found, on which might be made an attack that 
would open the way to a general engagement. — All these 



% THE LIFE OF 

I hopes were frustrated. Washington knew the full value of 

" his situation. He had too much penetration, to lo§e it from 

the circumvention of military maneuvres, and too much 

■ temper to be provoked* to a dereliction of it. He was well 

■ apprized that it was not ihe interest, of his country to com- 
mit its fortune to a single action. • 

Sir William Howe suddenly relinquished his position in 
front of the Americans, and retired with his whole force to 
Amboy. The apparently retreating British were pursued 

', by a considerable detachment of the American army ; and 
Washington advanced 'from Middlebrook to Quibbletown, to 

; be near at hand for the support of his advanced parties. 
The British general immediately marched his army back 

' from Amboy, with great expedition, hoping to bring on a 

■ general action on equal grounds ; but he was disappointed. 
Washington fell back, and posted his army in so advantageous 

' a situation, as compensated for the inferiority of his num- 
bers. — Sir William Howe was now fully convinced of the 
impossibility of compelling a general engagement on equal 
terms ; and also satisfied that it would be too hazardous to 

' attempt passing the Delaware, while the country was in 
arms, and the main American army in full force in his rear. 

, He therefore returned to Amboy, and thence passed over to 
Staten Island, resolving to prosecute the objects of the cam- 
paign by an embarkation of his whole force at New York. 

' Durii^g the period of these movements, the real designs of 

' general Howe were involved in obscurity. Though the 
season for military operations was advanced as far as the 

• month of July, yet his determinate object could not be ascer- 

' tained. Nothing on his part had hitherto occurred, but 
alternately advancing and retreating.— Washington's embar- 
rassment on this account was increased, by intelligence which 
arrived that Burgoyne was advancing in great force towards 
New York from Canada. 'Apprehending that sir William 
Howe would ultimately move up the North River, and that 
his movements, which looked southwardly, were feints, the 
American chief detached a brigade to reinforce the northern 
division of his army. Successive advices of the advance of 
Burgoyne, favoured the idea, that a junction of the two royal 
armies near Albany was intended. Some movements were 
therefore made by Washington towards Peekskill, and on 
the other side towards Trenton, while the main army w-jis 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59'> 

ewcamped near the Clove, in readiness to march either to , 
the north or south, as the movernents of .sir William Howe , 
n^ight require. 

After the British had left Sandy Hook, they looked into , 
the Delaware, and suddenly again, put out to sea, and were . 
not heard of for nearly three weeks, except that once, or 
twice they had been seen near the. coast, steering south* 
hardly. At one time Charleston, in South Carolina, was 
supposed to be their object ; . at another, Philadelphia, by the . 
way of the Chesapeake ; at another, the highlands of New. 
York, to co-operate with Burgoyne. 

The perplexing uncertainty concerning the destination of - 
the enemy, which embarrassed the movements of Washing- 
ton, was not removed before the middle of August, when 
certain accounts were received, that the British had taken., 
possession of the Chesapeake, and landed as near to Phila- 
delphia as was practicable. While the object of the cam- _ 
paign was doubtful, every disposition was made to defend: 
all the supposed probable points of attack, except Charleston. 
This being at the distance of seven or eight hundred miles, 
could not be assisted by an army marching over land, in time 
tp oppose the enemy conveyed thither by water. — While 
this idea prevailed, arrangements were made to employ the . 
American army, either against the enemy advancing from 
Albany, or against the British posts in New York, with the. 
hope of making reparation for the expected loss of Charles-. 
ton. As soon as the arrival of the British in tlie Chesapeake . 
was known, ¥/ashington ordered the different divisions of - 
his army to unite in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia, to-, 
wards the head of Elk ; and the militia of Pennsylvania, 
Maryland, and the northern counties of Virginia, to take the. 
field. He had previously written very pressing letters to, 
the governors of the eastern states, and to the generals in the, 
western parts of these states, to strengthen the northern, 
army opposed to Burgoyne ; and even weakened himself by. 
detaching some of his best troops particularly Morgan's, 
riflemen, on that important service. In the spirit of true, 
patriotism, he diminished his own chances of acquiring fame, 
that the common cause might be most effectually promoted, 
by the best disposition of the forces under his command, 
fpr simultaneous opposition both to Howe and Burgoyne. 

Washington passed his army, with every appearance of 



i 



eO THE LIFE OP 

confidence, through the city of Philadelphia, with a view of 
making some impression on the disaffected of that city, and 
afterwards proceeded towards the head of Elk. About the 
same time, he directed general Smallwood, with the militia 
of Maryland and Delaware, and some continental troops, to 
hang on the rear of the enemy. As a substitute for Morgan's 
riflemen, general Maxwell was furnished with a corps of 
light infantry, amounting to one thousand men, and directed 
to annoy the British on their march through the country. — 
These troops were afterwards reinforced by general Wayne's 
division. Though the militia did not turn out with that 
alacrity which might have been expected, from the energetic 
calls of "Washington, yet a respectable force w^s assembled, 
which imposed on sir William Howe a necessity of pro- 
ceeding with caution. The royal army set out from the 
eastern heads of the Chesapeake on the third of September, 
with a spirit which promised to compensate for the various 
delays which had hitherto wasted the campaign. — They ad- 
vanced with great circumspection and boldness, until they 
were within two miles of the American army, which was 
then posted in the vicinity of New Port. Washington soon 
changed his ground, and took post' on the high ground near 
Chadd's Ford, on the Brandywine Creek, with an intention 
of disputing the passage. It was the wish, but by no means 
the interest, of the Americans, to try their strength in an 
engagement. Their regular troops were not only inferior in 
discipline, but in numbers, to the royal army. — The opinion 
of the inhabitants, though founded on no circumstances more 
substantial than their wishes, imposed a species of necessity, 
on the American general, to keep his army in front of the 
enemy, and to risk on action for the security of Philadelphia. 
Instead of this, had he taken the ridge of high mountains on 
his right, the British must have respected his numbers, and 
probably would have followed him up the country. In this 
manner, the campaign miglit have been wasted away, in a 
manner fatal to the invaders ; but the majority of the Ame- 
rican people were so impatient of delays, and Iiad so over- 
weening a conceit of the numbers and prowess of their army, 
that they could not comprehend the wisdom and policy of 
maneuvres to shun a general engagement. 

On this occasion, necessity dictated that a sacrifice should 
be made on the altar of public opinion. A general action 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61 

was therefore hazarded. This took place at Chadd's Ford 
on the Brandywine, a small stream which empties itself intcJ 
Ohristiana Creek, near its conflux with the river Delaware 

ihe royal army advanced at day-break, on the Uth of 
September, m two columns, commanded by lieutenant-general 
Kmphausen and lord Cornwallis. They first took thi direct 
road to Chadd's Ford, and made a show of passing it, in 
front of the mam body of the Americans. At the same time, 
the other column moved up on the west side of the Brandv- 
wme to Its fork, and crossed both its branches, and then 
marched down on the east side, with a view of turning the 
right wmg of their adversaries. ^ 

InP'V^'^^ ^^??^^^'' ^o^^Pelling them to retreat with great 
ioss. General Kmphausen amused the Americans with the 
appearance of crossing the ford, but did not attempt it, until 
lord Cornwalhs, having crossed above, and moved down 
on the opposite side, had commenced his attack. Knii>. 
hausen then crossed the ford, and attacked the troops posted 
for Its defence. These, after a severe conflict, were^om- 
peHed to give way ,The retreat of the Americans soon be- 
came general, and was continued to Chester. Their loss 
the^Briti^sh'''"' ' ^''"^ ^^"^i^^^^bly exceeded that of 

«tJi!f ^""""[''I'^iof battles often depends on small circum- 
stances, which human prudence cannot control. One of 
these occurred here, and prevented General Washino-ton 
from executing a bold design, to efl^ect ..hich his troops 
were actually in motion. This was, to cross the Brandy! 
wine and attack Kmphausen, while general Sullivan aJd 
lord Stirlmg should keep earl Cornwallis in check. In the 
most critical moment Washington received intelligence 

Cnrnt nT'.f^'^'^'^ ''"^^^' ^^'^^ '^'^ Column of lord 
Cornwalhs had been only making a feint, and was returning 
to jom Kmphausen This prevented the execution of f 
plan which, if carried into effect, would probably have given 
a different turn to the events of the day. ^ 

Washington made every exertion to repair the loss which 
had been sustained. The battle of Brandywine was repre- 
wT.bpH? r ^"'"^ ^"'^^^^"- ^«"^ress and the people 
piS.1 V ''m " ''"'"^ engagement for the security of 

leSf ' He^h'^r'"^^^ ^'' ^^' ^"^ Washington did not 
<leclme it. He therefore advanced as far as the Warren ta- 



62 THE LIFE OP 

vern, on the Lancaster road, with an intention of meeting" 
his adversary. Near that place, both armies were on the 
point of engaging with their whole force ; but they were 
prevented by a most violent storm of rain, which continued 
for a whole day and night. When the rain ceased, the Ameri- 
cans found that their ammunition was entirely ruined. They 
therefore withdrew to a place of safety. — Before a proper 
supply was procured, the British marched from their posi- 
tion near the White Horse tavern, down towards the Swedes 
Ford. The Americans again took post in their front, but the 
British, instead of urging an action, began to march up to- 
wards Reading. To save the stores which had been de- 
posited in that place, Washington took a new position, and 
left the British in undisturbed possession of the roads which 
lead to Philadelphia. His troops were worn down with a suc- 
cession of severe duties. There were in his army above a 
thousand men who were barefooted, and who had performed 
all their late movements in that condition. 

Though Washington had failed in his object of saving 
Philadelphia, yet he retained the confidence of congress and 
the states. With an army inferior in numbers, discipline, 
and equipments, he delayed the British army thirty days in 
advancing sixty miles through an open country, without for- 
tifications, and the waters of which were every where forda- 
ble. Though defeated in one general action, he kept together 
his undisciplined and unprovided army, and in less than a week 
offered battle to his successful adversary. — When this was 
prevented by a storm of rain, which ruined his ammunition, 
while many of his soldiers were witliout bayonets, he extri- 
cated them from the most imminent danger, and maintained 
a respectable standing. Instead of immediately retiring into 
winter-quarters, he approached the enemy, and encamped on 
the Skippack road. The British army took their stand in 
Philadelphia and Gerraantown, shortly after the battle of 
Brandywine. From these positions, especially the latter, 
considerable detachments were sent to Chester and the vi- 
cinity, to favour an attempt to open the navigation of the 
river Delaware, which had been obstructed with great inge- 
nuity and industry by the Americans. 

About the same time, the American army received a rein- 
forcement of two thousand five hundred men, which increased 
its eifective force to eleven thousand. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 63 

General Washington conceived that the present moment 
M.irnished a fair opportunity for enterprise. He therefore 
resolved to attack the British in Germantown. Their line 
of encampment crossed that village at right angles, the left 
wing extending on the west of the Schuylkill. That wing 
was covered in front and flanks by the German chasseurs. A 
battalion of light infantry, and the queen's American rangers, 
were in front of the right. The 40th regiment, with another 
battalion of infantry, was posted at the head of the village. — 
The Americans moved from their encampment on the Skip- 
pack road in the evening of the 3d of October, with the in- 
tention of surprising their adversaries early next morning, 
and of attacking both wings, in front and rear, at the same 
time, so as to prevent the several parts from supporting each 
other. The divisions of Greene and Stevens, flanked by 
M'Dougal's brigade, were to enter by the Limekiln road. 
The militia of Maryland and New Jersey, under generals 
Smallwood and Furman, were to march by the Old York 
toad, and to fall upon the rear of their right. Lord Stirling, 
vith Nashe's and Maxwell's brigade were to form a corps de 
yeserve. 

The Americans began their attack about sunrise, on the 
40th regiment, and a battalion of light infantry. These be- 
ing obliged to retreat, were pursued into the village. On 
their retreat, lieutenant-colonel Musgrove, with six compa- 
nies, took post in Mr. Chew's strong stone house, which lay 
in front of the Americans. From an adherence to the milita- 
ry maxim of never leaving a fort possessed by an enemy in 
the rear, it was resolved to attack the party in the hQuse, 

In the mean time, general Greene arrived with his column, 
and attacked the right wing. Colonel Matthews routed a 
party of the British opposed to him, killed several, and took 
one hundred and ten prisoners ; but, from the darkness of the 
day, he lost sight of the brigade to which he belonged, and, 
having separated from it, was taken prisoner, with his whole 
regiment ; and the prisoners which he had previously taken 
were released. A number of the troops in Greene's division 
were stopped by the halt of the party before Mr. Chew's 
house. Nearly one half of the American army remained for 
some time at that place, inactive. Meanwhile, general Grey 
led on three battalions of the third brigade, and attacked with 
vigour. A sharp contest followed. Two British regiments 



64 THE LIFE OF 

attacked at the same time, on the opposite side of the town. 
General Grant moved up the 59th regiment to the aid of those 
who were engaged with Greene's column. 

The morning was foggy. This, by concealing the true 
situation of the parties, occasioned mistakes, and made so 
much caution necessary, as to give the British time to reco- 
ver from the effects of their first surprise. From these causes, 
the early promising appearances on the part of the assailants, 
were speedily reversed. The Americans left the field has- 
tily, and all efforts to rally them were ineffectual. Wash- 
ington was compelled to relinquish the victory which he had 
thought within his grasp, and to turn his whole attention 
to the security of his army. A retreat, about twenty miles, 
to Perkioming, was made, with the loss of only one piece 
of artillery. In the engagement, the loss of the Americans, 
including the wounded and four hundred prisoners, was about 
eleven hundred. A considerable part of this was occasioned 
by the 40th regiment, which, from the doors and windows 
of Mr. Chew's large stone house, kept up a constant fire on 
their uncovered adversaries. 

The plan of the battle of Germantown was judicious, and 
its commencement well conducted ; but, to ensure its success- 
ful execution, a steady co-operation of the several divisions 
of the assailants was necessary. The numerous enclosures 
to be passed, and the thickness of the fog, rendered this im- 
possible ; especially by troops who were imperfectly disci- 
plined, and without the advantage of experience. 

Congress voted their unanimous thanks to General Wash- 
ington " for his wise and well concerted attack," and to the 
officers and soldiers of the army, " for their brave exertions 
on that occasion," and added, " they were well satisfied, that 
the best designs, and boldest efforts, may sometimes fail by 
unforeseen incidents." 

In the latter part of the campaign of 1777, in proportion 
as the loss of Philadelphia had become more probable, Wash- 
ington had used every precaution eventually to diminish its 
value to the enemy. Orders were given for moving the mi- 
litary stores, and the vessels at the wharves of that city, 
higher up the Delaware. From the time that the British 
got possession, every aid, consistent with greater objects, 
was given to the forts constructed on the Delaware, for op- 
posing the British in their attempts to open tlie navigation 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65, 

of that river. Troops were stationed on both sides of the 
Delaware, to prevent the inhabitants from going with their 
provisions to the market of Philadelphia, and to destroy 
small foraging parties sent out to obtain supplies for the roy- 
al army. — These arrangements being made, Washington ad- 
vanced towards Philadelphia. His objects were to enfeeble 
the royal army in their operations against the forts on the 
Delaware; to attack them, if circumstances favoured, and 
prevent their receiving supplies from the country. The 
British shortly after evacuated Germantown; concentrated 
their force at Philadelphia, and directed their principal at- 
tention to open the navigation of thfe Delaware. This em- 
ployed them for more than six weeks ; and, after a great 
display of gallantry on both sides, was finally accomplished. 

In this discouraging state of public afiairs, a long letter 
was addressed, by the reverend Jacob Duche, late chaplain 
of congress, and a clergyman of the first rank, for character, 
piety, and eloquence, to General Washington ; the purport 
of which was, to persuade him that further resistance to 
Great Britain was hopeless, and would only increase the 
calamities of their common country; and, under this im- 
pression, to urge him to make the best terms he could 
with the British commander, and to give up the contest. — 
Such a letter, at such a time, in unison with the known 
sentiments of many desponding citizens, from a person whose 
character and connexions placed him above all suspicion of 
treachery, and whose attachment to his native country, 
America, was unquestionable, could not have failed to make 
an impressipn on minds of a feeble texture ; but from Wash- 
ington, who never despaired of his country, the laboured 
epistle of the honest, but timid divine, received no further 
notice than a verbal message to the writer, " That, if the con- 
tents of his letter had been known, it should have been re- 
turned unopened.*' 

While sir William Howe was succeeding in every enter- 
prise in Pennsylvania, intelUgence arrived that general Bur- 
goyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners of war 
to the Americans. Washington soon afterwards received a 
considerable reinforcement from the northern army, which 
had accomplished this great event. With this increased force, 
he took a position at Whitemarsh. The royal army, having 
succeeded in removing the obstructions in the river Delaware, 

f2 



66 THE LIFE OF 

were ready for new enterprises. Sir William Howe marched 
out of Philadelphia, with almost his whole force, expecting 
to bring on a general engagement. — The next morning, he 
appeared on Chesnut hill, in front of the right wing of the 
Americans, and about three miles distant. On the day fol- 
lowing, the British changed their ground, and moved to the 
right. Two days afterwards, they moved still further to the 
right, and made every appearance of an intention to attack 
the American encampment. Some skirmishes occurred, and 
a general action was hourly expected; but, on the morning 
of the next day, after various marches and countermarches, 
the British filed off from their right, by two or three differ- 
ent routes, in full march for Philadelphia. 

While the two armies were maneuvring, in constant expec- 
tation of an immediate engagement, Washington rode through 
every brigade of his army, and, with a firm, steady counte- 
nance, gave orders, in person, how to receive the enemy, and 
particularly urged on his troops to place their chief depend- 
ence on the bayonet. His position, in a military point of 
view, was admirable. He was so sensible of its advantages, 
that the maneuvres of sir William Howe for some days could 
not allure him from it. In consequence of the reinforcement 
lately received, he had not, in any preceding period of the 
campaign, been in an equal condition for a general engage- 
ment. — Though he ardently wished to be attacked, yet he 
would not relinquish a position, from which he hoped for a 
reparation for the adversities of the campaign. He could not 
believe that general Howe, Avith a victorious army,' lately re- 
inforced with four thousand men from New York, should 
come out of Philadelphia only to return. He, therefore, pre- 
sumed, that, to avoid the disgrace of such a movement, the 
British commander would, from a sense of military honour, 
be compelled to attack him, though under great disadvan- 
tages. When he found him cautious of engaging, and in- 
clining to his left, a daring design was formed, which would 
have been executed, had the British either continued in their 
position, or moved a little farther to the left of the American 
army. This was to have attempted in the night to surprise 
Philadelphia. 

Three days after the retreat of the British, Washington 
communicated, in general orders, his intention of retiring 
into winter-quarters. He expressed to his army high appro-. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 67 

bation of their past conduct ; gave an encouraging statement 
of the prospects of their country ; exhorted them to bear the 
hardships inseparable from their situation, and endeavoured 
to convince their judgments that these were necessary for 
the public good, and unavoidable from the distressed situation 
of the newly formed states. 

The same care to cut off all communication between the 
enemy and the country, was continued, and the same means 
employed to secure that object. General Smallwood was 
detached to Wilmington, to guard the Delaware. Colonel 
Morgan, who had lately returned from the victorious northern 
army, was placed on the lines on the west side of the Schuyl- 
kill, and general Armstrong near the old camp at the White- 
marsh, with a respectable force under the command of eacB, 
to prevent the country people from carrying provisions to the 
market in Philadelphia. 

Valley Forge, about twenty-five miles distant from Phila- 
delphia, was fixed upon for the winter-quarters of the Ame- 
ricans. This position was preferred to distant and more 
comfortable villages, as being calculated to give the most ex- 
tensive security to the counti^. The American army might 
have been tracked by th5 blood of their feet, in -marching 
without shoes or stockings, over the hard frozen ground, be- 
tween Whitemarsh and the Valley Forge. Under these cir- 
cumstances, they had to sit down in a wood, in the latter end 
of December, and to build huts for their accommodation. — 
To a want of clothing, was added a want of provisions. — 
For some days, there was little less than a famine in the 
camp. Washington was compelled to make seizures for the 
support of his army. Congress had authorized him so to 
do, but he wished the civil authority to manage the delicate 
business of impressment, and regretted the measure as sub- 
versive of discipline, and calculated to raise in the soldiers a 
disposition to licentiousness and plunder. — To suffer his ar- 
my to starve or disband, or to feed them by force, were the 
only alternatives offered to his choice. Though he exercised 
these extraordinary powers with equal reluctance and dis- 
cretion, his lenity was virtually censured by congress, ** as 
proceeding from a delicacy in exerting military authority on 
the citizens, which, in their opinion, might prove prejudicial 
to the general liberties of. America ;" at the same time, his 
rigour was condemned by those from whom provisions were 



68 THE LIFE OF 

forcibly taken. — -The sound judgment and upright principles 
of the commander-in-chief, gave a decided preference to the 
mode of supplying his army by fair contract, but its necessi- 
ties, proceeding from bad management in the commissary 
department ; the depreciation of the congress bills of credit ; 
the selfishness of the farmers, in preferring British metallic 
to American paper money, together with the eagerness of 
congress to starve the British army in Philadelphia, com- 
pelled him to extort supplies for his army at the point of the 
bayonet. In obedience to congress, he issued a proclamation, 
•* calling on the farmers vs^ithin seventy miles of head quar- 
ters, to thrash out one half of their grain by the first of Fe- 
bruary, and the residue by the first of March, under the pen- 
alty of having the whole seized as straw." 

Great, were the difficulties with which Washington had to 
contend, in feeding and clothing his army ; but they were not 
the only vexations which at this time pressed upon him. The 
states' of Pennsylvania and New Jersey were importunate 
with him to cover them from the incursions of the enemy. 
In both, there were many discontented individuals, who, re- 
gretting their past losses and present danger from the vicinity 
of a conquering army, were s6 fan misled by their feelings, 
as to suppose it to be the fault of General Washington that 
the inferior destitute army under his immediate command 
had not been as successful as the superior well supported 
northern army under general Gates. — The legislature of Penn- 
sylvania, probably sore from the loss of their capital, on hear- 
ing that Washington was about to retire into winter-quarters, 
presented a remonstrance to congress on that subject, in 
which their dissatisfaction with the general was far from 
being concealed. A copy of this being sent to him, he ad- 
dressed congress in terms very different from his usual style. 
— He stated, " that though every thing in his power had been 
done for supporting his army, yet their inactivity, arising 
from their manifold wants, was charged to his account ; that 
the army seldom had provisions for two days in advance ; 
that few of his men had more than one shirt, many only a 
moiety of one, and some none at all ; that soap, vinegar, and 
such articles, though allowed by congress, had not been seen 
in camp for several weeks ; that, by a field return, two thou- 
sand eight hundred and ninety-eight of his army were unfit 
for duty, because they were barefooted, and otherwise naked 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 69 

that his whole effective force in camp amounted to no more 
than eight thousand two hundred men, fit for duty ; that, not- 
withstanding these complicated wants, the remonstrance of 
the Pennsylvania legislature reprobated the measure of his 
going into winter-quarters, as if its authors thought the sol- 
diers were made of stocks or stones, and as if they conceived 
it easily practicable for an inferior army, circumstanced as 
his was, to confine a superior one, well appointed, and every 
way provided for a winter's campaign, within the city of 
Philadelphia, and to cover all the circumjacent country from 
their depredation." — He assured the complainers, "that it 
was much easier to draw up remonstrances in a comfortable 
room by a good fire-side, than to occupy a cold bleak hill, 
and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets." 
To the other vexations which crowded upon General Wash- 
ington, at the close of the campaign of 1777, was added one 
of a peculiar nature. Though he was conscious he had ne- 
ver solicited, and that it was neither from motives of interest 
flor of ambition, he had accepted the command of the army, 
and that he had with clean hands and a pure heart, to the 
utmost of his power, steadily pursued what his best judg- 
ment informed him was for the interest of his country ; yet 
he received certain information that a cabal, consisting of 
some members of congress, and a few general officers of the 
army, was plotting, to supersede him in his command.— 
The scheme was, to obtain the sanction of some of the state 
legislatures to instruct their delegates to move in congress 
for an inquiry into the causes of the failures of the campaigns 
of 1776 and 1777, with the hope that some intemperate re- 
solution passed by them would either lead to the removal of 
the genfral, or wound his military feelings, so as to indijce 
his resignation. Anonymous papers, containing high charges 
against him, and urging the necessity of puttii>g some more 
energetic officer at the head of the army, were sent to Henry 
Laurens, president of congress, Patrick Henry, governor of 
Virginia, and others. — These were forwarded to General 
Washington. In his reply to Mr. Laurens, he wrote as fol- 
lows: "I cannot sufficiently express the obligation I feel 
towards you, for your friendship and politeness, upon an 
occasion in which I am so deeply interested. I was not un- 
apprized that a malignant faction had been for some time 
forming to my prejudice, which, conscious as I am of having 



70 THE LIFE OF 

ever done all in my power to answer the important purpose 
of the trust reposed in me, could not but give me some pain 
on a personal account; but my chief concern arises from an 
apprehension of the dangerous consequences, which intestine 
dissentions may prove to the common cause. 

" As I have no other view than to promote the public good, 
and am unambitious of honours not founded in the approba- 
tion of my country, I would not desire, in the least degree, 
to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my con- 
duct, that even faction itself may deem reprehensible. The 
anonymous paper handed you, exhibits many serious charges, 
and it is my wish that it may be submitted to congress. This, 
I am the more inclined to, as the suppression or concealment 
may possibly involve you in embarrassments hereafter, since 
it is uncertain how many, or who may be privy to the con- 
tents. 

" My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. They 
know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of policy 
deprive me of the defence I might otherwise make against* 
their insidious attacks. They know I cannot combat insi- 
nuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is 
of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expec< 
to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated 
station ? Merit and talents, which I cannot pretend to rival,, 
have ever been subject to it; my heart tells me it has been 
my unremitted aim to do the best which circumstances would 
permit, yet I may have been very often mistaken in my judg- 
ment of the means, and may in many instances deserve the 
imputation of error." 

About the same time, it was reported that Washington had 
determined to resign his command. On this occa^on, he 
wrote to a gentleman in New England as follows. *' I can 
assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression 
that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that 
led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of 
Great Britain, operate with additional force at this day ; nor 
is it my desire to withdraw my services, while they are con- 
sidered of importance in the present contest ; but to report 
a design of this kind, is amongst the arts, which those who 
are endeavouring to effect a change, are practising to bring it 
to pass. — I have said, and I still do say, that there is not an 
o^icer in the United States that would return to the sweets 



GEORGE WASHINGTON". IfX 

of domestic life with more heart-felt joy than I should. But 
I would have this declaration accompanied by these senti- 
ments, that, while the public are satisfied with my endeavours, 
I mean not to shrink from the cause ; but the moment her 
voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do 
it with as much pleasure as ever the weary traveller retired 
to rest." 

These machinations did not abate the ardour of Washing- 
ton in the common cause. His patriotism was too solid to 
be shaken either by envy or ingratitude. Nor was the small- 
est effect produced in diminishing his well-earned reputation 
Zeal, the most active, and services the most beneficial, ana 
at the same time disinterested, had riveted him in the atfec- 
tions of his country and the army. Even the victorious troops 
under general Gates, though comparisons highly flattering to 
their vanity had been made between them and the army in 
Pennsylvania, clung to Washington as their political saviour. 
The resentment of the people was generally excited against 
those, who were supposed to be engaged in, or friendly to 
the scheme of appointing a new commander-in-chief over the 
American army. 



CHAPTER V. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 



General TVashlngf on prepares for the campaign of 1778. — 
Surprises the British, and defeats thenn at Monmouth. — 
Arrests general Lee. — Calms the irritatioyi, excited by the 
departure of the French fleet from Rhode Island to Bos- 
ton. — Dissuades from an invasion of Canada. 

Washington devoted the short respite from field duty, 
which followed the encampment of the army at Valley Forge, 
to prepare for an early and active campaign in the year 1778. 
He laboured to impress on congress the necessity of having 
in the field a regular army, at least equal to that of the ene- 
my. He transmitted to the individual states a return of the 
troops furnished severally by them for the continental army. 
While this exhibited to each its deficiency, it gave the gene- 



72 THE LIFE OF 

ral an opportunity to urge on them respectively the necessity 
of completing their quotas. 

Congress deputed a committee of their body to reside in 
camp, and, in concert with General Washington, to investi- 
gate the state of the army, and to report such reforms as 
might be deemed expedient. This committee, known by the 
name of "The Committee of Arrangements," repaired to 
Valley Forge, in January, 1778. Washington laid before 
them a statement, in which he took a comprehensive view of 
the army, and minutely pointed out what he deemed necessary 
for the correction of existing abuses, and the advancement 
of the service. — He recommended, '* as essentially necessary, 
that, in addition to present compensation, provision should be 
made, by half pay, and a pensionary establishment, for the 
future support of the officers, so as to render their commis- 
sions valuable. He pointed out " the insufficiency of their 
pay, especially in its present state of depreciation, for their 
decent subsistence ; the sacrifices which they had already 
made, and the unreasonableness of expecting tliat they would 
continue patiently to bear such an overproportion of the com- 
mon calamities, growing out of the necessary war, in which 
all were equally interested ; the many resignations that had 
already taken place, and the probability that more would fol- 
low, to the great injury of the service ; the impossibility of 
keeping up a strict discipline amongst officers, whose com- 
missions, in a pecuniary view, were so far from being worth 
holding, that they were the means of impoverishing them." — 
These, and other weighty considerations, were accompanied 
with a declaration by General Washington, " that he neither 
could nor would receive the smallest benefit from the pro- 
posed establishment, and that he had no other inducement in 
urging it, but a full conviction of its utility and propriety." 

In the same statement, the commander-in-chief explained 
to the committee of congress the defects in the quarter-mas- 
ter's, and other departments connected with the support and 
comfort of the army ; and also urged the necessity of each 
state completing its quota, by draughts from the militia. The 
statement concludes with these impressive words : " Upon 
the whole, gentlemen, I doubt not you are fully impressed 
with the defects of our present military system, and with the 
necessity of speedy and decisive measures to place it on a 
uatisfactory footing. — This disagreeable picture I have given 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73 

you of the wants and sufferings of the army, and the discon- 
tents reigning among the officers, is a just representation of 
evils equally melancholy and important; and unless effectual 
remedies be applied without loss of time, the most alarming 
and ruinous consequences are to be apprehended." — The 
committee were fully impressed with the correctness of the 
observations made by the commander-in-chief, and grounded 
their report upon them. A general concurrence of senti- 
ment ensued. Congress passed resolutions, but with sundry 
limitations, in favour of half-pay to their officers for seven 
years after the war ; and gave their sanction to the other 
measures suggested by Washington, and recommended by 
their committee. But, from the delays incidental to large 
bodies, either deliberating upon, or executing public business, 
much time necessarily elapsed before the army received the 
benefits of the proposed reforms, and in the mean time their 
distresses arose to so great a height, as threatened their im- 
mediate dissolution. — Kespect for their commander, attached 
both officers and soldiers so strongly to his person, as enabled 
him to keep them together, under privations almost too much 
for human nature to bear.' Their effective force, throughout 
the winter, was little more than five thousand men, though 
their numbers on paper exceeded seventeen thousand. It 
was fortunate for them, that the British made no attempt to 
disturb them, while in this destitute condition. In that case, 
the Americans could not have kept their camp for want of 
provisions, nor could they have retreated from it, without 
the certain loss of some thousands, who were barefooted and 
almost naked. Neither could they have risked an action with 
any possible hope of success, or without hazarding the most 
serious consequences. 

The historians of the American revolution will detail the 
particulars of a treaty, entered into about this time between 
France and the United States ; and also that immediately 
afterwards the government of Great Britain offered terms to 
the Americans, equal to all that they had asked anterior to 
their declaration of independence. The first certain intelli- 
gence of these offers was received by General Washington, 
in a letter from major general Try on, the British governor 
of New York, enclosing the conciliatory proposals, and re- 
commending '* that they should be circulated by General 
Washington among the officers and privates of his army." — 

G 



74 TIIE LIFE OF 

Instead of complying with this extraordinary request, he for- 
warded the whole to congress. The offers of Great Britain, 
which, if made in due time, would have prevented the dis- 
memberment of the empire, were promptly rejected. The 
day after their rejection, a resolution, formerly recommended 
by Washington, was adopted by congress, in which they 
urged upon the different states, " to pardon, under certain 
limitations, such of their misguided citizens as had levied 
war against the United States." — Copies of this were print- 
ed in English and German, and General Washington was 
directed to take measures for circulating them amongst the 
American levies in the British army. He immediately en- 
closed them in a letter, to Tryon, in which he acknowledged 
the receipt of his late letter, covering the British conciliatory 
bills, and requesting their circulation in the American army, 
and in the way of retort, requested the instrumentality of 
Tryon, in making the resolutions of congress known to the 
Americans in the British army, on whom they were intended 
to operate. 

About this time, sir William Howe resigned the command 
of the British army, and returned to Great Britain. His suc- 
cessor, sir Henry Clinton, had scarcely entered on the duties 
of his office, when he received orders to evacuate Philadel- 
phia. This was deemed expedient, from an apprehension 
that it would be a dangerous position, in case a French fleet, 
as was expected, should arrive in the Delav/are, to co-ope- 
rate with the Americans. 

The design of evacuating Philadelphia, was soon disco- 
vered by Washington ; but the object or course of the enemy 
could not be precisely ascertained. Their preparations 
equally denoted an expedition to the south ; an embarkation 
^f their whole army for New York ; or a march to that city 
thaough New Jersey. In the first two cases, AVashington 
had not the means of annoyance, but as tlie probability of 
the last daily increased, he directed his chief attention to that 
point. General Maxwell, with the New Jersey brigade, was 
ordered over the Delaware, to take post about Mount Holly, 
and to co-operate with general Dickenson at the head of the 
New Jersey militia, in obstructing the progress of the royal 
army, till time should be gained for Washington to overtake 
them. — The British crossed the Delaware to Gloucester 
Point, on the 18th of June, 1778 ; the Americans, in four 



GEORGE WASIILNGTON. 75 

days afterwards, at Corryel's Ferry. Tlie general officers 
of the latter, on being asked what line of conduct they deem- 
ed most advisable, had previously, and with one consent, 
agreed to attempt nothing, till the evacuation of Philadelphia 
was completed ; but after the DelaM'are was crossed, there 
was a diversity of sentiment respecting the measures proper 
to be pursued. — General Lee, who, having been exchanged, 
had joined the army, was of opinion, that the United States, 
in consequence of their late foreign connexions, were secure 
of their independence, unless their army was defeated: and 
that, under such circumstances, it would be criminal to haz- 
ard an action, unless they had some decided advantage. 
Though the numbers in both armies were nearly equal, and 
about ten thousand effective men in each, he attributed so 
much to, the superiority of British discipline, as made him 
apprehensive of the issue of an engagement on equal ground. — 
These sentiments were sanctioned by the voice of a great 
majority of the general officers. Washington was neverthe- 
less strongly inclined to risk an action. Though cautious, 
he was enterprising, and could not readily believe that the 
chances of war were so much against him, as to threaten 
consequences of the alarming magnitude which had been an- 
nounced. There was a general concurrence in a proposal 
for strengthening the corps on the left flank of the enemy 
with fifteen hundred men, to improve any partial advantages 
that might offer, and also that the main body should preserve 
a relative position for acting as circumstances might require. 
When sir Henry Clinton had advanced to AUentown, he 
determined, instead of keeping the direct course towards 
Staten Island, to incline towards the sea-coast, and to hasten 
towards Sandy Hook. Washington, on receiving intelligence 
that sir Henry was proceeding in that direction towards 
Monmouth Court House, detached one thousand men under 
general Wayne, and sent to the marquis de la Fayette to 
lake command of the whole, with orders to seize the first fair 
opportunity of attacking the enemy's rear. — The command 
of this advanced corps ^vas offered to general Lee, but he de- 
clined it. The whole army followed at a proper distance 
for supporting the advanced corps, and reached Cranberry 
the next morning. Sir Henry Clinton, sensible of the ap- 
proach of the Americans, placed his grenadiers, light infant- 
ry, and chasseyrs in his rear, and his baggage in his front. 



76 THE LIFE OF 

Washington increased his advance corps with two brigades, 
and sent general Lee, M'ho now wished for the command, to 
take charge of the whole, and followed with the main army 
to give it support.^ — On the next morning, orders were sent 
to general Lee, to move on and attack, unless there should 
be powerful reasons to the contrary. When Washington had 
marched about five miles, to support the advanced corps, he 
found the whole of it retreating by general Lee's orders, and 
without having made any opposition of importance. Washing- 
ton rode up to Lee, and proposed certain questions ; Lee an- 
swered with warmth, and unsuitable language. The com- 
mander-in-chief ordered colonel Stewart's and lieutenant-colo- 
nel Ramsay's battalions to form on a piece of ground, which 
he judged suitable for giving a check to the advancing ene- 
my. Lee was then asked if he would command on that 
ground, to which he consented, and was ordered to take pro- 
per measures for checking the enemy, to whicli he replied, 
" your orders shall be obeyed, and I will not be the first to 
leave the field." — Washington then rode to the main army, 
which was formed with the utmost expedition. A warm 
cannonade immediately commenced, between the British and 
American artillery ; and a heavy firing, between the advanced 
troops of the British army, and tlie two battalions which 
Washington had hailed. These stood their ground till they 
were intermixed with a part of the British army. General 
Lee continued till the last on the field of battle, and brought 
off the rear of the retreating troops. 

The check received by the British gave lime to make a 
disposition to the left wing, and second line of the American 
army, in the wood and on the eminence, to which Lee was 
retreating. On this, some cannon were placed by lord Stir- 
ling, who commanded the left wing; which, with the co- 
operation of some parties of infantry, effectually stopped the 
advance of the British in that quarter. General Greene took 
a very advantageous position on the right of lord Stirling. 
The British attempted to turn tlie left fiank of the Ameri- 
cans, but were repulsed. They also made a movement to 
the right, with as little success ; for Greene, with artillery, 
disappointed, their design. — AVayne advanced with a body of 
troops, and kept up so severe and well directed a fire, that 
the British were soon compelled to give way. They retired 
and took the position which Lee had before occupied* 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77 

Washington resolved to attack them, and ordered general 
Poor to move round upon their right, and general Woodford 
upon their left ; but they could not get within reach before 
it was dark. They remained on the ground which they had 
been directed to occupy, during the night, with an intention 
of attacking early next morning ; and the main body lay on 
their arms in the field, to be ready for supporting them. — 
General Washington, after a day of great activity and much 
personal danger, reposed amongst his troops on his cloak, 
under a tree, in hopes of renewing the action the next day. 
But these hopes were frustrated. The British marched 
away in the night, in such silence, that general Poor, though 
he lay very near them, knew nothing of their departure. 
They left behind them four officers and about forty privates, 
all so badly wounded, that they could not be removed. Their 
other wounded were carried off. The British pursued their 
march without further interruption, and soon reached the 
neighbourhood of Sandy Hook, without the loss either of 
their covering party, or baggage. The American general 
declined all further pursuit of the royal army, and soon af- 
terwards drew off his troops to the borders of the North 
River. The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded, 
was about tAvo hundred and fifty. The loss of the royal ar- 
my, including prisoners, was about three hundred and fifty. 

On the ninth day after this action, congress unanimously 
resolved, "that their thanks be given to General Washing- 
ton, for the activity with which he marched from the camp 
at Valley Forge in pursuit of the enemy ; for his distinguished 
exertions in forming the line of battle ; and for his great good 
conduct in leading on the iittack, and gaining the important 
victory of Monmouth, over the British grand army, under 
the command of general sir Henry Clinton, in their march 
from Philadelphia to New York." 

It is probable that Washington intended to take no further 
notice of Lee's conduct on tlie day of action ; but the latter 
could not brook the expressions used by the former at their 
first meeting, and wrote him two passionate letters. This 
occasioned his being arrested and brought to trial. The 
charges exhibited against him were : 

1st. For disobedience of orders, in not attacking the ene- 
my on the 28th of June, agreeably to repeated instructions. 

2dly. For misbehaviour before the enemy, on the sam« 
g2 



78 THE LIFE OF 

day, by making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful 
retreat. 

3dly. For disrespect to the commander-in-chief, in two 
letters. 

After a tedious hearing before a court martial, of which 
lord Stirling was president, Lee was found guilty, and sen- 
tenced to be suspended from any command in the armies of 
the United States for the term of one year ; but the second 
charge was softened by the court, which only found him 
guilty of misbehaviour before the enemy, by making an un- 
necessary, and in some few instances, a disorderly retreat. 

Soon after the battle of Monmouth, the American army 
took post at the White Plains, and remained there, and in 
the vicinity, until autumn was far advanced, and then retired 
to Middlebrook in New Jersey. During this period, nothing 
of more importance occurred, than skirmishes, in which Gene- 
ral Washington was not particularly engaged. He was, ne- 
vertheless, fully employed. His mild, conciliatory manners, 
and the most perfect subjection of his passions to reason, 
together with the soundness of his judgment, enabled him to 
serve his country with equal effect, though with less splen- 
dour, than is usually attached to military exploits. 

The French fleet, the expectation of which had induced 
the evacuation of Philadelphia, arrived too late for attacking 
the British in the Delav/are. It was also deemed unadvisa- 
ble to attempt New York ; but the British posts on Rhode 
Island were judged proper objects of a joint expedition, with 
the sea and land forces of France and Amer-ca. This being 
resolved upon, general Sullivan was appointed to conduct 
the operation of the Americans. — When tlie preparations for 
commencing the attack were nearly completed, a British fleet 
appeared in sight. D'Estaing, who commanded the French 
fleet, put out to sea to engage them ; but a siorm came on, 
which crippled both fleets to such a degree, as induced the 
one to go to New York, and the other to Boston, for the pur- 
pose of being repaired. Wliile the fleets were out of sight, 
general Sullivan had commenced the siege, and flattered him- 
self that a few days co-operation of the returned French ships 
could not fail of crowning him with success.*— The determi- 
nation of D'Estaing to retire to Boston, instead of co-opera- 
ting in the siege, excited the greatest alarm in Sullivan's ar- 
my. By this dereliction of the original plan, the harbours 



GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 79 

of Rhode Island were left, free and open for reinforcements 
to the British, which might easily be poured in from their 
head-quarters at New York. Instead of anticipated con- 
quests, Sullivan had reason to fear for the safety of his army. 
Irritated at the departure of D'Estaing, he expressed in gene- 
ral orders to his army, "his hope, that the event would 
prove America able to procure that, by her own arms, which 
her allies refused to assist in obtaining." — These expressions 
were considered as imputing to D'Estaing and the French 
nation, a disinclination to promote the interests of the United 
States. When entreaties failed to persuade D'Estaing to re- 
turn to the siege, a paper was drawn up and signed by the 
principal American officers, and sent to him, in which they 
protested against his taking the fleet to Boston^ " as deroga- 
tory to the honour of France, contrary to the intentions of 
his Most Christian Majesty, and the interest of his nation ; 
destructive to the welfare of the United States, and highly 
injurious to the alliance between the two nations." So much 
discontent prevailed, that serious apprehensions were enter- 
tained, that the means of repairing the French fleet would 
not be readily obtained. 

Washington foresaw the evils likely to result from the gen- 
eral and mutual irritation which prevailed, and exerted all 
his influence to calm the minds of both parties. He had a 
powerful coadjutor in the marquis de la Fayette, who was as 
deservedly dear to the Americans, as to the French. His 
first duties were due to his king and country ; but he loved 
America, and was so devoted to the commander-in-chief, of 
its armies, as to enter into his views, and second his soften- 
ing conciliatory measures, with truly filial afl^ection. 

Washington also wrote to general Heath, who commanded 
at Boston, and to Sullivan and Greene, who commanded at 
Rhode Island. In his letter to general Heath, he stated his 
fears, " that the departure of the French fleet from Rhode 
Island, at so critical a moment, would not only weaken the 
confidence of the people in their new allies, but produce such 
prejudice and resentment, as might prevent their giving the 
fleet, in its present distress, such zealous and effectual assist- 
ance, as was demanded by the exigence of afl^airs, and the 
true interests of America ;" and added, " that it would be sound 
policy to combat these eflfects, and to give tlie best construe^ 
tion of what had happened ; and at the same time to mak& 



80 THE LIFE OF 

strenuous exertions for putting the French fleet, as soon as 
possible, in a condition to defend itself, and be useful." — He 
also observed as follows : " the departure of the fleet from 
Rhode Island, is not yet publicly announced here, but when 
it is, I intend to ascribe it to necessity, produced by the dam- 
age received in the late storm. This, it appears to me, is 
the idea which ought to be generally propagated. As I doubt 
not the force of these reasons will strike you equally with 
myself, I would recommend you to use your utmost influence 
to palliate and soften matters, and to induce those whose bu- 
siness it is to provide succours of every kind for the fleet, to 
employ their utmost zeal and activity in doing it. It is our 
duty to make the best of our misfortunes, and not to suff'er 
passion to interfere with our interest and the public good." 
, In a letter to general Sullivan, he observed, "the disagree- 
ment between the army under your command, and the fleet, 
has given me very singular uneasiness. The continent at 
large is concerned in our cordiality ; and it should be kept up 
by all possible means, consistent with our honour and policy. 
First impressions are generally longest retained, and will 
serve to fix in a great degree our national character with the 
French. In our conduct towards them, we should remem- 
ber, that they are a people old in war, very strict in military 
etiquette, and apt to take fire when others seem scarcely 
warmed. — Permit me to recommend, in the most particular 
manner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, and 
your endeavours to destroy that ill humour which may have 
found its way among the officers. It is of the utmost im- 
portance, too, that the soldiers and the people should know 
nothing of this misunderstanding, or, if it has reached them, 
that means may be used to stop its progress, and prevent its 
effects." 

In a letter to general Greene, he observed, " I have not 
now time to take notice of the several arguments, which were 
made use of, for and against the count's quitting the harbour 
of Newport, and sailing for Boston. Right or wrong, it will 
probably disappoint our sanguine expectations of success, 
and, which I deem a still worse consequence, I fear it will 
sow the seeds of dissension and distrust between us and our 
new allies, unless the most prudent measures be taken to sup- 
press the feuds and jealousies that have already risen. — I de- 
pend much on your temper and influence, to conciliate that 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 81 

animosity which subsists between the American and French 
officers in our service. I beg you will take every measure 
to keep the protest, entered into by the general officers, from 
being made public. Congress, sensible of the ill consequences 
that will flow from our differences being known to the world, 
have passed a resolve to that purpose. Upon the whole, my 
dear sir, you can conceive my meaning better than I can ex- 
press it, and I therefore fully depend on your exerting your- 
self, to heal all private animosities between our principal of- 
ficers and the French, and to prevent<all illiberal expressions 
and reflections that may fall from the army at large." 

Washington also used the first opportunity to recommence 
his correspondence v/ith count D'Estaing, in a letter to him, 
which, without noticing the disagreements that had taken 
place, was well calculated to soothe every angry sensation 
which might have rankled in his mind. In the course of a 
short correspondence, the irritation, which threatened serious 
mischiefs, entirely gave way to returning good humour and 
cordiality. 

In another case, about the same time, the correct judgment 
of Washington proved serviceable to his country. In the 
last months of the year 1778, when the most active part of 
the campaign was over, congress decided on a magnificent 
plan for the conquest of Canada. This was to be attempted 
in 1779, by land and water, on the side of the United States, 
and by a fleet and army from France. The plan was proposed, 
considered, and agreed to, before Washington was informed 
of it. He was then desired to write to Dr. Franklin, the 
American minister, at Paris, to interest him in securing the 
proposed co-operation of France. — In reply to the communi- 
cations of congress, he observed, " the earnest desire I have 
strictly to comply in every instance with the views and in- 
structions of congress, cannot blit make me feel the greatest 
uneasiness when I find myself in circumstances of hesitation 
or doubt, with respect to their directions ; but the perfect 
confidence I have in the justice and candour of that honour- 
able body, emboldens me to communicate, without reserve, 
the diflaculties which occur in the execution of their present 
order ; and the indulgence I have experienced on every for- 
mer occasion, induces me to imagine that the liberty I now 
take will not meet with disapprobation. 

♦< I have attentively taken up the report of the committee, 



82 THE LIFE OF 

respecting the proposed expedition into Canada. I have con- 
sidered it in several lights, and sincerely regret that I should 
feel myself under any embarrassment in carrying it into exe- 
cution. Still, I remain of opinion, from a general review of 
things, and the state of our resources, that no extensive sys- 
tem of co-operations with the French, for the complete eman- 
cipation of Canada, can be positively decided on for the en- 
suing year. To propose a plan of perfect co-operation with 
a foreign power, without a moral certainty in our supplies ; 
and to have that plan actually ratified with the court of Ver- 
sailles; might be attended, in case of failure in the conditions 
on our part, with very fatal effects. 

"If I should seem unwilling to transmit the plan as pre- 
pared by congress, with my observations, it is because I find 
myself under a necessity, in order to give our minister suf- 
ficient ground to found an application on, to propose some- 
thing more than a vague and indecisive plan, which, even in 
the event of a total evacuation of the states by the enemy, 
may be rendered impracticable in the execution, by a variety 
of insurmountable obstacles ; or if I retain my present senti- 
ments, and act consistently, I must point out the difficulties, 
as they appear to me, which must embarrass his negotiations, 
and may disappoint the views of congress. 

" But, proceeding on the idea of the enemy's leaAang these 
states, before the active part of the ensuing campaign, I should 
fear to hazard a mistake as to the precise aim and extent of 
the views of congress. The conduct I am to observe, in 
writing to our minister at the court of France, does not ap- 
pear sufficiently delineated. Were I to undertake it, I should 
be much afraid of erring, through misconception. In this di- 
lemma, I would esteem it a particular favour to be excused 
from writing at all on the subject, especially as it is the part 
of candour in me to acknowledge, that I do not see my way 
dear enough to point out such a plan for co-operation, as I 
conceive it to be consistent with the ideas of congress, and 
as will be sufficiently explanatory, with respect to time and 
circumstances, to give efficacy to the measure. 

*' But if congress still think it necessary for me to proceed 
in the business, I must request their more definitive and ex- 
plicit instructions, and that they will permit me, previous to 
transmitting the intended despatches, to submit them to their 
determination. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 83 

"1 could wish to lay before congress, more minutely, the 
state of the army, the condition of our supplies, and the re- 
quisites necessary for carrying into execution an undertaking 
that may involve the most serious events. If congress think 
this can be done more satisfactorily in a personal conference, 
I hope to have the army in such a situation before I can re- 
ceive their answer, as to afford me an opportunity of giving 
my attendance." 

The personal interview requested in this letter, was agreed 
to by congress, and a committee appointed by them to con- 
fer with him. The result was, that the proposed expedition 
against Canada was relinquished by those, who, after repeated 
deliberation, had resolved upon it. 



CHAPTER VI. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 



Tlie distresses of the Arnerican army. General Washing' 
ton calms the uneasiness in the Jersey line. Finds great 
difficulty in supporting his troops, and concentrating their 
force. Makes a disposition of them with a view to the 
security of West Point. Directs an expedition against 
the Six Nations of Indians, and for the reduction of Stony 
Point. P aides Hook taken. Jl French fleet, expected to 
the northward, arrives on the coast of Georgia. Washing- 
ton, unequal to offiensive operations, retires into winter- 
quarters. 

TiiH years 1779 and 1780, passed away in the northern 
states without any of those great military exploits which en- 
liven the pages of history ; but they were years of anxiety 
and distress, which called for all the passive valour, the sound 
practical judgment, and the conciliatory address, for which 
'^'sneral Washington was so eminently distinguished. Yield- 

;r to the pleasing delusion, that their alliance with France 
placed their independence beyond the reach of accident, and 
that Great Britain, despairing of success, would speedily 
abandon the contest, the states relaxed in their preparations 
for a vigorous prosecution of the war. — To these ungrounded 



84 THE LIFE OP 

hopes, Washington opposed the whole weight of his irlflu* 
ence. In his correspondence with congress, the governors 
of particular states, and otlier influential individuals, he point- 
ed out the fallacy of the prevailing opinion, that peace was 
near at hand, and the necessity for raising, equipping, and 
supporting a force sufficient for active operations. — He par- 
ticularly urged, that the annual arrangements of the army 
should be made so early, that the recruits for the year should 
assemble at head-quarters on the first of January ; but, such 
was the torpor of the public mind, that, notwithstanding 
these representations, it was as late as the 23d of January, 
1779, when congress passed resolutions authorizing the com- 
mander-in-chief to re-enlist the army ; and as late as the 9th 
of the following March, when the requisitions were made on 
the several states for their quotas. The military establish- 
ment for 1780 was later ; for it was not agreed upon till the 
9th of February ; nor were the men required before the first 
of April. Thus, when armies ought to have been in the 
field, nothing more was done than a grant of the requisite 
authority for raising them. 

The depreciation of the current paper-money had advanced 
so rapidly, as to render the daily pay of an officer unequal 
to his support. This produced serious discontents in the 
army. An order was given in May, 1779, for the New Jersey 
brigade to march by regiments to join the western army. In 
answer to this order, a letter was received from general Max- 
well, stating that the ofiicers of the first regiment had deli- 
vered to their colonel a remonstrance, addressed to the legis- 
lature of New Jersey ; in which, they declared, that, unless 
their former complaints on the deficiency of pay obtained 
immediate attention, they were to be considered, at the end 
of three days, as having resigned their commissions ; and 
on that contingency they requested the legislature to appoint 
other officers in their stead. — General Washington, who was 
strongly attached to the army, and knew their virtue, their 
sufferings, and also the justice of their complaints, imme- 
diately comprehended the ruinous consequences likely to re- 
sult from the measure they had adopted. After serious de- 
liberation, he wrote a letter to general Maxwell, to be laid 
before the ofificers. In the double capacity of their friend 
and their commander, he made a forcible address, both to 
their pride and their patriotism. — " There is nothing," he 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 85 

observed, " which has happened in the course of the war, 
that has given me so much pain as the remonstrance you 
mention from the officers of the first Jersey regiment. I can- 
not but consider it a hasty and imprudent step, which, on 
more cool consideration, they will themselves condemn. I 
am very sensible of the inconveniences under which the of- 
ficers of the army labour, and I hope they do me the justice 
to believe, that my endeavours to procure them relief are in- 
cessant. — There is more difficulty however, in satisfying 
their wishes, than perhaps they are aware of. Our resources 
have been hitherto very limited. The situation of our money 
is no small embarrassment, for which, though there are re- 
medies, they cannot be the work of a moment. Govern- 
ment is not insensible of the merits and sacrifices of the 
officers, nor unwilling to make a compensation ; but it is a 
truth, of which a very little observation must convince us, 
that it is very much straitened in the means. Great allow- 
ances ought to be made on this account, for any delay and 
seeming backwardness which may appear. Some of the 
states, indeed, have done as generously as was in their power ; 
and if others have been less expeditious, it ought to be as- 
cribed to some peculiar cause, which a little time, aided by 
example, wall remove. — The patience and perseverance of 
the army have been, under every disadvantage, such as do 
them the highest honour, at home and abroad ; and have in- 
spired me with an unlimited confidence in their virtue, which 
has consoled me amidst every perplexity and reverse of for- 
tune, to which our afi'airs, in a struggle of this nature, were 
necessarily exposed. Now, that we have made so great a 
progress to the attainment of the end we have in view, so 
that we cannot fail, without a most shameful desertion of our 
own interests ; any thing like a change of conduct would im- 
ply a very unhappy change of principles, and a forgetfulness, 
as well of what we owe to ourselves, as to our country. — - 
Did I suppose it possible this should be the case, even in a 
single regiment of the army, I should be mortified and cha- 
grined beyond expression. I should feel it as a wound given 
to my own honour, which I consider as embarked with that 
of the army. But this I believe to be impossible. Any corps 
that was about to set an example of the kind, should weigh 
well the consequences ; and no officer of common discern- 
ment and sensibility would hazard them. — If they should stand 

H 



d0 THE nPE OP 

alone in it, independent of other consequences, what wouM 
be their feelings, on reflecting that they had held themselvea 
out to the world in a point of light inferior to the rest of th« 
army ? Or, if their example should be followed, and become 
general, how could they console themselves for having been 
Sie foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their coun- 
try ? They should remember, that the army would share a 
double portion of the general infamy and distress ; and that 
the character of an American officer would become as despi- 
cable as it is now glorious. 

" I confess the appearances in the present instance are dis- 
agreeable ; but I am convinced they seem to mean more than 
they really do. The Jersey officers have not been outdone 
by any others, in the qualities, either as citizens, or soldiers ; 
and I am confident no part of them would seriously intend 
any thing that would be a stain on their former reputation. 
The gentlemen cannot be in earnest ; they have only reasoned 
wrong about the means of attaining a good end, and, on con- 
sideration, I hope, and flatter myself, they will renounce 
what must appear improper. — At the opening of a campaign, 
when under marching orders, for an important service, their 
own honour, duty to the public and to themselves, and a re- 
gard to military propriety, will not suffer them to persist in a 
measure which would be a violation of them all. It would 
even wound their delicacy coolly to reflect that they have 
hazarded a step, which has an air of dictating terms to their 
country, by taking advantage of the necessity of the moment. 

" The declaration they have made to the state, at so criti- 
cal a time, that ' unless they obtained relief in the short pe- 
riod of three days, they must be considered out of the ser- 
vice,' has very much that aspect, and the seeming relaxation 
of continuing until the state can have a reasonable time to 
provide other officers, will be thought only a superficial veil. 
1 am now to request that you will convey my sentiments to 
the gentlemen concerned, and endeavour to make them sensi- 
ble of their error. The service for which the regiment was 
intended, will not admit of delay. It must, at all events, 
march on Monday morning, in the first place to this camp, 
and further directions will be given when it arrives. I am 
sure I shall not be mistaken in expecting a prompt and cheer- 
ful obedience." 

The officers did not explicitly recede from their claims. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 87 

but were brought round so far as to continue in service. — 
In an address to General Washington, they declared, " their 
unhappiness that any step of theirs should give him pain ;" 
but alleged in justification of themselves, *'that repeated 
memorials had been presented to their legislature, which had 
been neglected ;" and added, " we have lost all confidence 
m that body. Reason and experience forbid that we should 
have any. Few of us have private fortunes ; many have fa- 
milies, who are already suffering every thing that can be re- 
ceived from an ungrateful country. Are we then to suffer 
all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a military 
life, while our wives, and our children, are perishing for want 
of common necessaries at home ; and that without the most 
distant prospect of reward, for our pay is now only nominal ? 
We are sensible that your excellency cannot wish or desire 
this from us. 

" We are sorry that you should imagine we meant to dis- 
obey orders. It was, and still is, our determination to march 
with our regiment, and to do the duty of officers, until the 
legislature should have a reasonable time to appoint others, 
but no longer. 

" We beg leave to assure your excellency, that we have 
the highest sense of your ability and virtues ; that executing 
your orders has ever given us pleasure ; that we love the ser- 
vice, and we love our country ; but when that country is so 
lost to virtue and to justice, as to forget to support its ser- 
vants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its service." 

The ground adopted by the officers for their justification, 
was such as interdicted a resort to stern measures ; at the 
same time, a compliance with their demands was impossible. 
In this embarrassing situation, Washington took no other no- 
tice of their letter, than to declare to the officers, through gene- 
ral Maxwell, "that while they continued to do their duty, 
he should only regret the part they had taken." The legis- 
lature of New Jersey, roused by these events, made some 
partial provision for their troops. The officers withdrew 
their remonstrance, and continued to do their duty. 

The consequences likely to result from the measures 
adopted by the New Jersey officers, being avoided by the 
good sense and prudence of General Washington, he profil- 
ed by the event, when communicated to congress, by urging 
on them the absolute necessity of some general and adequate 



86 THE LIFE OF 

provision for the officers of their army ; and observed, " that 
the distresses in some corps are so great, that officers have 
solicited even to be supplied with the clothing destined for 
the common soldiery, coarse and unsuitable as it was. I had 
not power to comply with the request. 

" The patience of men, animated by a sense of duty and 
honour, will support them to a certain point, beyond which 
it will not go. I doubt not congress will be sensible of the 
danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my 
anxiety to obviate it." 

The members of congress were of different opinions, res- 
pecting their military arrangements. While some were in 
unison with the general, for a permanent national army, well 
equipped, and amply supported, others were apprehensive 
of danger to their future liberties from such establishments, 
and gave a preference to enlistments for short periods, not 
exceeding a year. These also were partial to state sys- 
tems, and occasional calls of the militia, instead of a numer- 
ous regular force, at the disposal of congress, or the com- 
mander-in-chief. From the various aspect of public affairs, 
and the frequent change of members composing the national 
legislature, sometimes one party predominated, and sometimes 
another. On the whole, the support received by Washing- 
ington, was far short of what economy, as well as sound po- 
licy, required. 

The American army, at this period, was not only deficient 
in clothing, but in food. The seasons, both in 1779 and 
1780, were unfavourable to the crops. The labours of the 
farmers had often been interrupted by calls for militia duty. 
The current paper money was so depreciated, as to be 
deemed no equivalent for the productions of the soil. So 
great were the necessities of the American army, that Gene- 
ral Washington was obliged to call on the magistrates of the 
adjacent counties for specified quantities of provisions, to be 
supplied in a given number of days. At other times, he was 
compelled to send out detachments of his troops, to take pro- 
visions, at the point of the bayonet, from the citizens. — This 
expedient at length failed ; for the country in the vicinity of 
the army afforded no further supplies. These impressments 
were not only injurious to the morals and discipline of the 
army, but tended to alienate the affections of the people. 
Much of the support which the Air'^-rican general had pre^ 



GKORGE WASHINGTON. 89 

viously experienced from the inhabitants, proceeded from 
the difference of treatment which they received from their 
own army, compared with what they suffered from the Brit- 
ish. The general, whom the inhabitants hitherto regarded 
as their protector, had now no alternative but to disband his 
troops, or to support them by force. — The army looked to 
him for provisions ; the inhabitants for protection of their 
property. To supply the one, and not offend the other, 
seemed little less than impossible. To preserve order and 
subordination in an army of free republicans, even when 
well fed, paid, and clothed, would have been a work of diffi- 
culty ; but, to retain them in service, and restrain them with 
discipline, when destitute, not only of the comforts, but often 
of the necessaries of life, required address and abilities such 
as are rarely found in human nature. In this choice of diffi- 
culties. General Washington not only kept his army together, 
but conducted affairs with so much discretion, as to command 
the approbation both of the army and the citizens. 

Nothing of decisive importance could be attempted, with- 
an army so badly provided, and so deficient in numbers. It 
did not exceed thirteen thousand men ; while the British, 
strongly fortified in New York and Rhode Island, amounted 
to sixteen or seventeen thousand. These were supported by 
a powerful fleet, which, by commanding the coasts and the 
rivers, furnished easy means for concentrating their force in 
any given point, before the Americans could reach it. This 
disparity was particularly striking in the movements of the 
two armies in the vicinity of the Hudson. Divisions of both 
were frequently posted on each side of that noble river. While 
the British could cross directly over, and unite their forces 
in any enterprise, the Americans could not safely effect a 
corresponding junction, unless they took a considerable cir- 
cuit to avoid the British shipping. 

To preserve West Point and its dependencies, was a pri- 
mary object with Washington. To secure these, he was 
obliged to refuse the pressing applications from the neigh- 
bouring states, for large detachments from the continental 
army for their local defence. Early in the year, sii' Henry 
Clinton made some movements up the North River, which, 
indicated an intention of attacking the posts in the Highlands ;: 
but, in proportion as these were threatened, Washington 
concentrated his force for their defence. — This was done so; 

H ^ 



90 THE LIFE OP 

effectually, that no serious direct attempt was made upon 
them. Clinton, hoping to allure the Americans from their 
fortresses, sent detachments to bum and lay waste the towns 
on the coast of Connecticut. This was extensively accom- 
plished. Norwalk, Fairfield, and New London, were de- 
stroyed. Washington, adhering to the principle of sacrificing 
small objects to secure great ones, gave no more aid to the 
suffering inhabitants, than was compatible with the security 
of West Point. 

Though the force under his immediate command through- 
out the campaign of 1779, was unequal to any great under- 
taking, yet his active mind sought for and embraced such op- 
portunities for offensive operations, as might be attempted 
without hazarding too much. 

The principal expedition of this kind was directed against 
the Six Nations of Indians, who inhabited the fertile country 
between the western settlements of New York and Pennsyl- 
vania, and the lakes of Canada. These, from their vicinity 
and intercourse with the white people, had attained a degree 
of civilization, exceeding what was usual amongst savages. 
To them, many refugee tories had fled, and directed them to 
the frontier settlements, which they laid waste, and at the 
same time massacred the inhabitants. In the early period 
of Washington's life, while commander of the Virginia 
troops, he had ample experience of the futility of forts, for 
defence against Indians ; and of the superior advantage of 
carrying offensive operations into their towns and settle- 
ments. — An invasion of the country of the Six Nations be- 
ing resolved upon, the commander-in-chief bestowed much 
thought on the best mode of conducting it. The instructions 
he gave to general Sullivan, who was appointed to this ser- 
vice, were very particular, and much more severe than was 
usual, but not more so than retaliation justified, or policy re- 
commended. Sullivan, with a considerable force, penetrated 
into the country of the Indians in three directions, laid waste 
their crops, and burned their towns. His success was deci- 
sive, and in a great measure secured the future peace of the 
frontier settlements. The late residence of the savages was 
rendered so far uninhabitable, that they were reduced to the 
necessity of seeking an dSylum in the more remote western 
country. 

While the British were laying waste Connecticut, Wash- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 01 

ington, after reconnoitering the ground in person, planned 
an expedition against Stony Point, a commanding hill, pro- 
jecting far into the Hudson, on the top of which there had been 
erected a fort, which was garrisoned with about six hundred 
men. One of the motives for assaulting this work, was the 
hope, that, if successful, it might induce the detachment 
which had invaded Connecticut to desist from their devasta- 
tions, and to return to the defence of their own out-posts. 
The enterprise was assigned to general Wayne, who com- 
pletely succeeded in reducing the fort, and capturing its gar- 
rison. 

Sir Henry Clinton, on receiving intelligence of Wayne's 
success, relinquished his views on Connecticut, and made a 
forced march to Dobb's ferry, twenty-six miles above New 
York. 

The reduction of Stony Point was speedily followed by 
the surprise of the British garrison at Paules Hook. This 
was first conceived and planned by major Henry Lee. On 
being submitted to General Washington, he favoured the 
enterprise, but withheld his full assent, till he was satisfied 
of the practicability of a retreat, of which serious doubts were 
entertained. Lee, with three hundred men, entered the 
fort about three o'clock in the morning, and, with very in- 
considerable loss, took one hundred and fifty-nine prisoners, 
and brought them ofi" in safety from the vicinity of large bo- 
dies of the enemy; 

The reasons already mentioned, for avoiding all hazardous 
offensive operations, were strongly enforced by a well found- 
ed expectation that a French fleet would appear on the coast, 
in the course of the year 1779. Policy required that the 
American army should be reserved for a co-operation with 
their allies. The fleet, as expected, did arrive, but in the 
vicinity of Georgia. The French troops, in conjunction 
with the southern army, commanded by general Lincoln, 
made an unsuccessful attempt on the British post in Savan- 
nah. This town had been reduced in December, 1778, by 
colonel Campbell, Avho had proceeded so far as to re-establish 
British authority in the state of Georgia. Soon after the de- 
feat of the combined forces before Savannah, and the depar- 
ture of the French fleet from the coast, sir Henry Clinton 
proceeded with the principal part of his army to Charleston 
aod Confined his views in New York to defensive operations 



m THE LIFE OF 

The campaign of 1779 terminated in the northern states, as 
has been related, without any great events on either side. 
Washington defeated all the projects of the British for get- 
ting possession of the Highlands. The Indians were made 
to feel the American power ; and a few brilliant strokes kept 
the public mind from despondence. The Americans went 
into winter-quarters when the month of December was far 
advanced. These were chosen for the convenience of wood, 
water, and provisions, and also for the better protection of 
the country. — To this end, the army was thrown into two 
grand divisions. The northern was put under the command 
of General Heath, and stationed with a view to the security 
of West Point, its dependencies, and the 'adjacent country. 
The other retired to Morristown, in New Jersey. In this 
situation, which was well calculated to secure the country to 
the southward of New York, Washington, with the princi- 
pal division of his army, took his station for the winter. — 
The season following their retirement was uncommonly se- 
vere. The' British in New York and Staten Island, no lon- 
ger enjoyed the security which their insular situation usually 
afforded. The former suffered from the want of fuel and 
other supplies from the country. To add to their difficulties, 
Washington so disposed his troops as to give the greatest 
possible obstruction to the communication between the Bri- 
tish garrison, and such of the inhabitants without their lines 
as were disposed to supply their wants. — This brought on a 
partisan war, in which individuals were killed, but without 
any national effect. Had Washington been supported as he de- 
sired, the weakness of the British army in consequence of 
their large detachments to the southward, in conjunction with 
the severity of the winter, would have given him an opportu- 
nity for indulging his natural spirit of enterprise. But he 
durst not attempt any thing on a grand scale, for his army 
was not only inferior in number to that opposed to him, but 
so destitute of clothing as to be unequal to a winter campaign.. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 93 

CHAPTER VH. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 

General Washington directs an expedition against Staten 
Island, Gives an opinion against risking an army for 
the defence of Charleston, S. C. Finds great difficulty in 
supporting his army. Kiiiphausen invades New Jersey^ 
but is prevented from, injuring the American stores. Mar- 
quis de la Fayette arrives, and gives assurances that a 
French fleet and army might soon be expected on the 
American coast. Energetic measures of co-operation re- 
solved upon, but so languidly executed, that Washington 
predicts the necessity of a more efficient system of national 
government. A French fleet and army arrive, and a 
combined operation against New York is resolved upon, 
but the arrival of a superior British fleet deranges the 
ivholeplan. 

The military establishment for the year 1780, was nomi- 
nally thirty-five thoireand ; but provision for these was not 
made by congress until the 9th of February, and they were 
not required to be in camp before the first of April follow- 
ing. Notwithstanding these embarrassments, the active mind 
of Washington looked around for an opportunity of deriving 
some advantage from the present exposed situation of his ad- 
versary. From recent intelligence, he supposed that an at- 
tack on about twelve hundred British, posted on Staten Island, 
might be advantageously made, especially in its present state 
of union with the continent, by an unbroken body of solid 
ice. — The prospect of success depended on the chance of a 
surprise ; and if this failed, of reducing the enemy, though 
retired within their fortifications, before reinforcements could 
arrive from New York. The vigilance of the commanding 
officer, prevented the first ; the latter could not be depended 
on ; for, contrary to the first received intelligence, the com- 
munication between the island and the city, though difficult, 
was practicable. — The works were too strong for an assault, 
and relief too near to admit the delays of a siege. Lord Stir- 
ling, with two thousand five hundred men, entered the island 
on the night of the 14th of January. An alarm was instantly 



91 THE LIFE OF 

and generally communicated to the posts, and a boat des- 
patched to New York, to communicate intelligence, and to 
solicit aid. The Americans, after some slight skirmishes, 
seeing no prospect of success, and apprehensive that a re- 
inforcement from New York might endanger their safety, 
very soon commenced their retreat. This was effected with- 
out any considerable loss ; but, from the intenseness of the 
cold, and deficiency of warm clothing, several were frost- 
bitten. 

Soon after this event, the siege of Charleston commenced ; 
and it was so vigorously carried on by sir Henry Clinton, as 
to effect the surrender of that place on the 12th of May, 
1780. General Washington, at the distance of more than 
eight hundred miles, could have no personal agency in de- 
fending that most important southern mart. What was in 
his power had been done, for he weakened himself by de- 
taching from the army under his own immediate command, 
the troops of North Carolina, the new levies of Virginia, and 
the remnants of the southern cavalry. — Though he had never 
been in Charleston, and was without any personal know- 
ledge of its harbour, yet he had given ^i opinion respecting 
it, which evinced the soundness of his practical judgment. 
In every other case, tlie defence of towns had been aban- 
doned, so far as to risk no armies for that purpose ; but in 
South Carolina, general Lincoln, for reasons that were satis- 
factory to his superiors, adopted a different line of conduct. 
Four continental frigates were ordered to the defence of 
Charleston, and stationed within its bar ; and a considerable 
state marine-force co-operated with them. — This new mode 
of defence was the most readily adopted, on the generally re- 
ceived idea, that this mafine-force could be disposed of within 
the bar, as to make effectual opposition to the British ships 
attempting to cross it. In the course of the siege, this was 
found impracticable, and all ideas of disputing the passage of 
the bar were abandoned. This state of things being commu- 
nicated by lieutenant-colonel John Laurens to General Wash- 
ington, the general replied, " the impracticability of defend- 
ing the bar, I fear, amounts to the loss of the town and gar- 
rison. At this distance, it is impossible to judge for you. I 
have the greatest confidence in general Lincoln's prudence ; 
but it really appears to me, that the propriety of attempting 
to defend the town, depended on the probability of defending 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65 

the bar, and that when this ceased, the attempt ought to hare 
been relinquished. In this, however, I suspend a definitive 
judgment ; and wish you to consider what I say as confiden- 
tial." 

The event corresponded with the general's predictions* 
The British vessels, after crossing the bar without opposi- 
tion, passed the forts, and took such a station in Cooper river, 
as, in conjunction with the land-forces, made the evacuation 
of the town by the Americans impossible, and finally produced 
the surrender of their whole southern army. 

When intelligence of this catastrophe reached the northern 
states, the American army was in the greatest distress. This 
had been often represented to congress, and was particularly 
stated to general Schuyler, in aletter from General Washington, 
in the following words : *' Since the date of my last, we have 
had the virtue and patience of the army put to the severest 
trial. Sometimes, it has been five or six days together with-- 
out bread ; at other times, as many days without meat ; and 
once or twice, two or three days without either. — I hardly- 
thought it possible, at one period, that we should be able to 
keep it together, nor could it have been done, but for the ex- 
ertions of the magistrates in several counties of this state, on 
whom I was obliged to call ; expose our situation to them ; 
and, in plain terms, declare that we were reduced to the al- 
ternative of disbanding or catering for ourselves, unless the 
inhabitants would afford us their aid. I allotjpd to each 
county a certain proportion of flour or grain, and a certain 
number of cattle, to be delivered on certain days ; and, for 
the honour of the magistrates, and the good disposition of the 
people, I must add that my requisitions were punctually com- 
plied with, and in many counties exceeded. — Nothing but 
this great exertion could have saved the army from dissolution 
or starving, as we were bereft of every hope from the com- 
missaries. At one time, the soldiers eat every kind of horse 
food, but hay. Buckwheat, common wheat, rye, and Indian 
com, composed the meal which made their bread. As an 
army, they bore it with most heroic patience ; but sufferings 
like these, accompanied by the want of clothes, blankets, &c. 
will produce frequent desertion in all armies ; and so it hap- 
pened with us, though it did not excite a single mutiny." 

The paper money with which the troops were paid, was 
in a state of depreciation daily increasing. The distresses 



96 THE LIFE OF 

from this source, though felt in 1778, and still more so in 
1779, did not arrive at the highest pitch until the year 1780. 
Under the pressure of sufferings from this cause, the officers 
of the New Jersey line addressed a memorial to their state 
legislature ; setting forth, " that four months' pay of a private, 
would not procure for his family a single bushel of wheat ; that 
the pay of a colonel, would not purchase oats for his horse ; 
that a common labourer, or express-rider, received four times 
as much as an American officer." — They urged, that " unless 
a speedy and ample remedy was provided, the total dissolu- 
tion of their line was inevitable." In addition to the in- 
sufficiency of their pay and support, other causes of discon- 
tent prevailed. The original idea of a continental army to be 
raised, paid, subsisted, and regulated, upon an equal and 
uniform principle, had been in a great measure exchanged 
for state establishments. — This mischievous measure ori- 
ginated partly from necessity ; for state credit was not quite 
so much depreciated as continental. Congress, not possess- 
ing the means of supporting their army, devolved the busi- 
ness on the component parts of the confederacy. Some 
states, from their internal ability, and local advantages, furnish- 
ed their troops not only with clothing, but with many con- 
veniences. Others supplied them with some necessaries, but 
on a more contracted scale. A few, from their particular 
situation, could do little or nothing. The officers and men, 
in the routine of duty, mixed daily, and compared circum- 
stances. Tnose who fared worse than others, were dissat- 
isfied with a*service which made such injurious distinctions. 
From causes of this kind, superadded to a complication of 
wants and sufferings, a disposition to mutiny began to show 
itself in the American army. — Very few of tlie officers were 
rich. To make an appearance suitable to their station, re- 
quired an expenditure of the little ail which most of them 
possessed. The supplies of the public vrere so inadequate, 
as to compel frequent resignations. The officers of whole 
lines announced their determination to quit the service. 
The personal influence of General Washington was exerted 
with the oflicers, in preventing their adoption of such juin- 
ous measures ; and with the states, to remove the causes 
which led to them. 

Soon after the surrender of the whole southern army, and 
at the moment the northern was in the greatest distress, for 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 97 

iKe necessaries, of life, general Kniphaiisen passed from 
New York into New Jersey, with tive thousand men. 
These were soon reinforced with a detachment of the victo- 
rious troops returned with sir Henry Clinton from South 
Carolina. It is difficult to discover what was the precise 
object of this expedition. Perhaps the royal commanders 
hoped to get possession »f Morristown, and destroy the 
American stores. Perhaps they flattered themselves that 
the inhabitants, dispirited by the recent fall of Charleston, 
would submit without resistance ; and that the soldiers 
would desert to the royal standard. — Sundry movements 
took place on both sides, and also smart skirmishes, but 
without any decisive efiect. At one time, Washington con» 
jectured that the destruction of his stores was the object of 
the enemy ; at another, that the whole was a feint to draw 
off his attention, while they ascended the North River, from 
New York, to attack West Point. The American army was 
stationed Ivith a view to both objects. The security of the 
stores was attended to, and such a position taken, as would 
compel the British to fight under great disadvantages, if they 
risked a general action in order to seize them. — The Ameri- 
can general Howe, who commanded at the Highlands, was 
ordered to concentrate his force for the security of West 
Point; and Washington, v/ith the principal division of his 
army, took such a middle position, as enabled him either to 
fall back to defend his stores, or to advance for the defence 
of West Point, as circumstances might require. The first 
months of the year were spent in these desultory operations. 
The disasters in the south produced no disposition in the 
north to give up the contest : but the tardiness of congress 
and of the states ; the weakness of government, and the de- 
preciation of the money ; deprived Washington of all means 
of attempting any thing beyond defensive operations. 

In this state of languor, the marquis de la Fayette arrived 
from France, with assurances that a French fleet and army 
might soon be expected on the coast. This roused tlie Amer- 
icans from that lethargy into which they seemed to be sink- 
ing. Requisitions on the states for men and money, were 
urged with uncommon earnestness. Washington, in his ex- 
tensive correspondence throughout the United Slates, en- 
deavoured to stimulate the public mind to such exertions as 
the approaching crisis required. In addition to arguments 

I 



OS THE LIFE OF 

formerly used, lie endeavoured on this occasion, by a tertl" 
perate view of European politics, to convince his countrymen 
of the real danger of their independence, if they neglected 
to profit by the advantages which they might obtain by a great 
and manly effort, in conjunction with the succours expected 
from France. — The resolutions of congress for this purpose 
were slowly executed. The quotas assigned to the several 
states, were, by their respective legislatures, apportioned on 
the several counties and towns. These divisions were again 
subdivided into classes, and each class was called upon to 
furnish a man. This predominance of state systems, over 
those which were national, was foreseen and lamented by 
the commander-in-chief. In a letter to a member of the na- 
tional legislature, he observed, " that, unless congress speak 
in a more decisive tone ; unless they are vested with powers 
by the several states, competent to the great purposes of the 
war, or assume them as matter of right, and they and the 
states respectively act with more energy than hitherto they 
have done, our cause is lost. — We can no longer drudge on 
in the old way. By ill-timing the adoption of measures ; by 
delaj^s in the execution of them, or by unwarrantable jealous- 
ies, we incur enormous expenses, and derive no benefit. 
One state will comply with a requisition from congress, 
another neglects to do it ; a third executes it by halves, and 
all differ in the manner, the matter, or so much in point of 
time, that vv^e are always working up hill ; and while such a 
system as the present one, or rather want of one, prevails, we 
never shall be unable to apply our strength or resources to any 
advantage. 

" This, my dear sir, is plahi language to a member of 
congress ; but it is the language of truth and friendship. It 
is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict 
observation. I see one head gradually changing into thirteen ; 
I see one army branching into thirteen ; and, instead of 
looking up to congress as the supreme controlling power of 
the United States, considering themselves as dependent on 
their respective states. In a word, I see the power of con- 
gress declining too fast for the consequence and respect 
which are due to them as the great representative body of 
America, and am fearful of the consequences." 

From the embarrassments which cramped the operations 
©f Washington, a partial temporary. relief was obtained from 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99 

private sources. When conjifress could command neither 
money nor credit for the subsistence of their army, the citi- 
zens of Philadelphia formed an association to procure a sup- 
ply of necessary articles for their suffering soldiers. The 
sum of three hundred thousand dollars was subscribed in a 
few days, and converted into a bank, the principal design of 
which was to purchase provisions for the troops in the most 
prompt and efficacious manner. The advantages of this in- 
stitution were great, and particularly enhanced by the critical 
time in which it was instituted. 

The ladies of Philadelphia, about the same time, gave 
large donations for the immediate relief of the suffering sol- 
diers. These supplies, though liberal, were far short of a 
sufficiency for the army. So late as the 20th of June, Gen- 
eral Washington informed congress, that he still laboured 
under the painful and humiliating embarrassment of having 
no shirts to deliver to the troops, many of whom were -abso- 
lutely destitute of that necessary article ; nor were they 
much better supplied with summer overalls. " For the 
troops to be without clothing at any time, he added, is highly 
injurious to the service, and distressing to our feelings ; but 
the want will be more peculiarly mortifying when they come 
to act with those of our allies. If it be possible, I have no 
doubt immediate measures will be taken to relieve their dis- 
tress. 

" It is also most sincerely to be wished, that there could 
be some supplies of clothing furnished to the officers. There 
are a great many whose condition is miserable. This is, in 
some instances, the case with whole lines. It would be well 
for their own sakes, and for the public good, if they could 
be furnished. They will not be able, when our friends come 
to co-operate with us, to go on a common routine of duty ; 
and if they should, they must from their appearance be held 
in low estimation." 

The complicated arrangements for raising and supporting 
the American army which was voted for the campaign, were 
so tardily executed, that when the summer was far advanced, 
Washington was uninformed of the force on which he might 
rely ; and of course could not fix on any certain plan of 
operations for the combined armies. In a letter to congress, 
he expressed his embarrassment in the following words : — 
*' The season is come, when we have every reason to ex- 



100 THE LIFE OF 

pect the arrival of the fleet ; and yet, for want of this point 
of primary consequence, it is impossible for me to form a 
system of co-operation. — I have no basis to act upon, and of 
course, were this generous succour of our ally now to arrive, 
I should find myself in the most awkward, embarrassing, 
and painful situation. The general and the admiral, as soon 
as they approach our coast, will require of me a plan of the 
measures to be pursued, and there ought of right to be one 
prepared ; but circumstanced as I am, I cannot even give 
them conjectures. From these considerations, I yesterday 
suggested to the committee the indispensable necessity of 
their writing again to the states, urging them to give imme- 
diate and precise information of the measures they have 
taken ; and of the result. — The interest of the states ; the 
honour and reputation of our councils ; the justice and grati- 
tude due to our allies ; all require that I should, without de- 
lay, be enabled to ascertain and inform them what we can or 
cannot undertake. There is a point which ought now to be 
determined, on the success of which all our future operations 
may depend ; on Avhich, for want of knowing our prospects, 
I can make no decision. For fear of involving the fleet and 
army of our allies in circumstances which would expose 
them, if not seconded by us, to material inconvenience and 
hazard, I shall be compelled to suspend it, and the delay 
may be fatal to our hopes." 

In this state of uncertainty, Washington meditated by 
night and day on the various contingencies which were pro- 
baJDle. lie revolved the possible situations in which the con* 
tending armies might be placed, and endeavoured to prepare 
for every plan of combined operations which future events 
might render advisable. 

On the 10th of July, the expected French fleet and army 
appeared on the coast of Rhode Island. The former con- 
sisted of seven sail of the line, five frigates, and five smaller 
vessels ; the latter, of six thousand men. The chevalier Ter- 
ney and count Rochambeau, who commanded the fleet and 
army, immediately transmittted to General Washington an ac- 
count of their arrival, of their strength, their expectations, and 
orders. — At that time, not more than one thousand men had 
joined the American army. A commander of no more than com- 
mon firmness would have resigned his commission in disgust, 
for want of support from his country. Very different was the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 101 

line of conduct adopted by Washington. Trusting that the 
promised support would be forwarded with all possible des- 
patch, he sent to the French commanders, by the marquis 
de la Fayette, definite proposals for commencing the siege of 
New York. — Of this, he gave information to congress, in a 
letter, in the following words ; " Pressed on all sides by a 
choice of difficulties, in a moment which required decision, 
I have adopted that line of conduct which comported with 
the dignity and faith of congress, the reputation of these 
states, and the honour of our arms. I have sent on definitive 
proposals of co-operation to the French general and admiral. 
Neither the period of the season, nor a regard to decency, 
would permit delay. The die is cast ; and it remains with 
the states, either to fulfd their engagements, preserve their 
credit, and support their independence, or to involve us in 
disgrace and defeat. — Notwithstanding the failures pointed 
out by the committee, I shall proceed on the supposition that 
they will ultimately consult their own interest and honour, 
and not suffer us to fail for the want of means, which it is 
evidently in their power to afford. What has been done, 
and is doing by some of the states, confirms the opinion I 
have entertained of sufficient resources in the country. Of 
the disposition of tlie people to submit to any arrangement 
for bringing them forth, I see no reasonable ground to doubt. 
If we fail for want of proper exertions in any of the govern- 
ments, I trust the responsibility will fall where it ought, and 
that I shall stand justified to congress, my country, and the 
world." 

The fifth of the next month, August, was named as the day 
when the French troops should embark ; and the American 
army assembled at Morrisania, for the purpose of commen- 
cing their combined operations. Very soon after the arrival 
of the French fleet, admiral Greaves reinforced the British 
naval force in the harbour of New York, with six ships of 
the line. Hitherto, the French had a naval superiority. 
Without it, all prospects of success in the proposed attack on 
New York was visionary, but this being suddenly and unex- 
pectedly reversed, the plan for combined operations became 
eventual.— -The British admiral having now the superiority, 
proceeded 40 Rhode Island, to attack the French. He soon 
discovered, that they were perfectly secure from any attack 
by sea. Sir Henry Clinton, who had returned in the pre- 

I 2 



102 THE LIFE OF 

ceding month with his victorious troops fi-om Charieston, 
embarked about eight thousand of his best men, and proceed- 
ed as far as Huntingdon Bay, on Long Island, with the ap- 
parent design of concurring with the British fleet in attack- 
ing the French force at Rhode Island. When this movement 
occurred, Washington set his army in motion, and proceeded 
to Peekskill. Had sir Henry Clmton prosecuted what ap- 
peared to be his design, Washington intended to attack New 
York in his absence. Preparations were made for this pur- 
pose, but sir Henry Clinton instantly turned about from 
Huntingdon Bay towards New York» 

In the mean time, the French fleet and army being blocked 
up at Rhode Island, were prevented from co-operating with 
the Americans. Hopes were nevertheless indulged, that, by 
the arrival of another fleet of his most Christian Majesty, 
then in the West Indies, under the command of count de 
Guichen, the superiority would be so much in favour of the 
allies, as to enable them to prosecute their original intention 
of attacking New York. AVhen the expectations of the 
Americans were raised to the highest pitch, and when they 
were in great forwardness of preparation to act in concert 
with their allies, intelligence an-ived, that count de Guichen 
had sailed for France. This disappointment was extremely 
mortifying. 

Washington still adhered to his purpose of attacking New 
York, at some future and more favourable period. On this 
subject, he corresponded with the French commanders, and 
had a personal interview with them, on the twenty-first of 
September, at Hartford. The arrival of admiral Rodney on 
the American coast, a short time afterwards, with eleven ships 
of the line, disconcerted, for that season, all the plans of the 
allies. — Washington felt, with infinite regret, a succession of 
abortive projects throughout the campaign of 1780. In that 
year, and not before, he had indulged the hope of happily ter- 
minating the war. In a letter to a friend, he wrote as fol- 
lows : " We are now drawing to a close an inactive cam- 
paign, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events 
of a very favourable complexion. I hoped, but I hoped in 
vain, that a prospect was opening, which would ©nable me 
to fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore me to do- 
mestic life. — The favourable disposition of Spain ; the pro- 
mised succour from France ; the combined fm*pp ^^ tHo ^^— - 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 103 

Indies ; the declaration of Russia, acceded to by other pow- 
ers of Europe, humiliating the naval pride and power of 
Great Britain ; the superiority of France and Spain by sea, 
in Europe ; the Irish claims, and English disturbances ; form- 
ed, in the aggregate, an opinion in my breast, which is not 
very susceptible of peaceful dreams, that the hour of deliver- 
ance was not far distant ; for that, however unwilling Great 
Britam might be to yield the point, it would not be in her 
power to continue the contest. — But alas ! these prospects, 
flattering as they were, have proved delusory ; and I see 
nothing before us but accumulating distress. We have been 
half of our time without provisions, and are likely to con- 
tinue so. We have no magazines, nor money to form them. 
We have lived upon expedients, until we can live no longer. 
In a word, the history of the war is a history of false hopes 
and temporary devices, instead of system and economy. It 
is in vain, however, to look back, nor is it our business to 
do so. Our case is not desperate, if virtue exists in the peo- 
ple, and there is wisdom among our rulers. But to suppose 
that this great revolution can be accomplished by a tempo-, 
rary army ; that this army will be subsisted by state sup- 
plies ; and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants, is, in 
my opinion, absurd." 



CHAPTER Vni. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 



TTie Pennsylvania line mtctinies. The New Jersey troops 
folloiv their example, but are quelled by decisive mea- 
sures. General Washington commences a military Jour- 
nal, detailing the ivants and distresses of his army. Is 
invited to the defence of his native state, Virginia, hut 
declines. Reprimands the manager of his private estate 
for furnishing the enemy with supplies, to prevent the 
destruction of his property. Extinguishes the incipient 
flames of a civil ivar, respecting the independence of the 
state of Vermont. Plans a combined operation against 
the British, and deputes lieutenant-coloiiel John Laurens 
to solicit the co-operation of the French* The combined 



104 THE LIFE OF 

forces of both nations rendezvous in the Chesapeake, and 
take lord Cornwallis and his army prisoners of war. 
Washington returns to the vicinity of New York, and 
urges the necessity of preparing for a neio campaign. 

The year 1780 ended in the northern states with disap- 
pointment, and the year 1781 commenced with mutiny. In 
the night of the first of January, about thirteen hundred of 
the Pennsylvania line paraded under arms, at their encamp- 
ment near Morristown, avowing a determination to march to 
the seat of congress, and obtain a redress of their grievances, 
without which they would serve no longer. The exertions 
of general Wayne, and the other officers, to quell the muti- 
ny, were in vain. The whole body marched off, with six 
field-pieces, towards Princeton. — 'J'hey stated their demands 
in writing, which were, a discharge to all who had served 
three years ; an immediate payment of all that was due to 
them ; and future pay in real money to all who remained in 
the service. Their officers, a committee of congress, and a 
•deputation from the executive council of Pennsylvania, en- 
deavoured to effect an accommodation ; but the mutineers re- 
solutely refused all terms, of which a redress of their grie- 
vances was not the foundation. 

To their demands, as founded in justice, the civil authori- 
ty of Pennsylvania substantially yielded. Intelligence of this 
mutiny was communicated to General Washington, at New 
Windsor, before any accommodation had been effected. 
Though he had long been accustomed to decide in hazardous 
and difficult situations, yet it was no easy matter, in this deli- 
cate crisis, to determine on the most proper course. — His 
personal influence had several times extinguished rising mu- 
tinies. The first scheme that prr^sented itself, w^as, to re- 
pair to the camp of the mutineer ., and try to recall them to 
a sense of their duty ; but on mature reflection this was aban- 
doned. He well knew that t'lieir claims were founded in 
justice, but he could not recondle himself to wound the dis- 
cipline of his army, by yielding io their demands, while they 
were in open revolt with arms in their hands. He viewed 
the subject in all its relations, and was well apprised that the 
principal grounds of discontent were not peculiar to the Penn- 
sylvania line, but common to all his troops. 

If force were requisite, he had none to spare, without haz- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105 

arding West Point. If concessions were unavoidable, they 
had better be made by any person than the commander-in- 
chief. After that due deliberation, always given by him to 
matters of importance, he determined against a personal in- 
terference, and to leave the whole to the civil authorities, 
which had already discussed it, but at the same time he pre- 
pared for those measures which would become necessary if 
no accommodation were effected. This resolution v/as com- 
municated to general Wayne, with a caution to regard the 
situation of the other lines of the army in any concessions 
which might be made, and with a recommendation to draw 
the mutineers over the Delaware, with a view to increase the 
difficulty of communicating with tlie enemy in New York. 

The dangerous policy of yielding even to the just demands 
of soldiers with arms in their hands, soon became apparent. 
The success of the Pennsylvania line induced a part of that 
of New Jersey to hope for similar advantages, from similar 
conduct. A part of the New Jersey brigade rose in arms, 
and, making the same claims which had been yielded to the 
Pennsylvanians, marched to Chatham. Washington, who 
was far from being pleased with the issue of the mutiny in the 
Pennsylvania line, determined, by strong measures to stop 
the progress of a spirit which M-as destructive to all his 
hopes. General Howe, with a detachment of the eastern 
troops, was immediately ordered to march against the muti- 
neers, and instructed to make no terms with them, while 
they were in a state of resistance ; and on their surrender to 
seize a few of the most active leaders, and to execute* them 
immediately, in the presence of their associates. These or- 
ders were obeyed ; two of the ringleaders were shot, and the 
survivors returned to their duty 

Though Washington adopted these decisive measures, yet 
no man was more sensible of the merits and sufferings of his 
army, and none more active and zealous in procuring them 
justice. He endeavoured to make the late events profitable, 
by writing circular letters to the states, urging them to pre- 
vent all future causes of discontent, by fulfilling their engage- 
ments with their respective lines, Some good efi'ects were 
produced, but only temporary, and far short of the well 
founded claims of the army. Their wants with respect to 
provisions, were only partially supplied, and by expedients, 
from one short time to another. The most usual was order' 



106 THE LIFE OF 

ing an officer to seize on provisions, wherever found. 
This differed from robbing, only in its being done by author- 
ity for the public service, and in the officer being always di- 
rected to give the proprietor a certificate of the quantity and 
quality of what was taken from him. — At first, some reliance 
was placed on these certificates, as vouchers, to support a 
future demand on the United States ; but they soon became 
so common, as to be of little value. Recourse was so fre- 
quently had to coercion, both legislative and military, that 
the people not only lost confidence in public credit, but be- 
came impatient under all exertions of authority for forcing 
their property from them.-- About this time. General Washing- 
ton was obliged to apply nine thousand dollars sent by the state 
of Massachusetts for the payment of her troops, to the use of 
the quarter master's department, to enable him to transport 
provisions from the adjacent states. Before he consented to 
adopt this expedient, he had consumed every ounce of pro- 
vision which had been kept as a reserve in the garrison of 
West Point, and had strained impressment by military force 
to so great an extent, that there was reason to apprehend that 
the inhabitants, irritated by so frequent calls, would proceed 
to dangerous insurrections.- — Fort Schuyler, West Point, and 
the other posts on the North River, were on the point of be- 
ing abandoned by their starving garrisons. At this period 
there was little or no circulating medium, either in the form 
of paper or specie ; and in the neighbourhood of the Ameri- 
can army, there was a pressing want of necessary provi- 
sions. • The deficiency of the former occasioned many in- 
conveniences, but the insufficiency of the latter, had nearly 
dissolved the army, and laid the country, in every direction, 
open to British excursions. 

On the first of May, 1781, General Washington com- 
menced a military journal. The following statement is ex- 
tracted from it. " I begin at this epoch a concise journal of 
military transactions, Slc. I lament not having attempted it 
from the commencement of the war, in aid of my memory ; 
and wish the multiplicity of matter which continually sur- 
rounds me, and the embarrassed state of our affairs, which is 
momentarily calling the attention to perplexities of one kind 
or another, may not defeat altogether, or so interrupt my 
present intention and plan, as to render it of little avail. 

^' To have the clearer understanding of the entries which 



GEOteE WASHINGTON. 107 

May follow, it would be proper to recite in detail our ^anf^ 
and our prospects ; but this alone would be a work of much 
time and great magnitude. It may suffice to give the sum 
of them, which i shall do in few words, viz. 

*' Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we 
have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the distant 
states. Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with 
military stores, they are poorly provided, and the workmen 
all leaving them. Instead of having the various articles of 
field equipage in readiness, the quarter master general is but 
now applying to the several states to provide these things for 
their troops respectively. Instead of having a regular sys- 
tem of transportation established upon credit, or funds in the 
quarter master's hands to defray the contingent expenses 
thereof, we have neither the one nor the other, and all that 
business, or a great part of it, being done by impressment, 
we are daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring their 
tempers, and alienating their affections. — Instead of having 
the regiments completed agi'eeably to the requisitions of con- 
gress, scarcely any state in the union has at this hour one 
eighth part of its quota in the field, and there is little pros-^ 
pect of ever getting more than half. In a word, instead of 
having any thing in readiness to take the field, we have no- 
thing ; and instead of having the prospect of a glorious of- 
fensive campaign before us, we have a bewildered and 
gloomy prospect of a defensive one ; unless we should re- 
ceive a powerful aid of ships, troops, and money, from our 
generous allies, and these at present are too contingent to 
build upon." 

While the Americans were suffering the complicated ca- 
lamities which introduced the year 1781, their adversaries 
were carrying on against them the most extensive plan of 
operations that had yet been attempted. It had often been 
objected to the British commanders, that they had not. con- 
ducted the war in the manner most likely to effect the sub- 
jugation of the revolted provinces. . Military critics found 
fault with them for keeping a large army idle at New York, 
which they said, if properly applied, would have been suf- 
ficient to make successful impressions at one and the same 
time on several of the states. — The British seem to have 
calculated the campaign of 1781, with a view to make an 
experim.ent of the comparative merit of this mode of con- 



109 THE LIFE OF 

ducking military operations. The war raged in that yeaif 
not only in the vicinity of the British head-quarters at New 
York, but in Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and 
Virginia. 

In this extensive warfare, Washington could have no im- 
mediate agency in the southern department. His advice, in 
corresponding with the officers commanding in Virginia, the 
Carolinas, and Georgia, was freely and beneficially given ; 
and as large detachments sent to their aid as could be spared, 
consistently with the security of West Point. In conduct- 
ing the war, his invariable maxim was, to suffer the devasta- 
tion of property, rather than hazard great and essential ob- 
jects for its preservation. While the war raged in Virginia, 
the governor, its representatives in congress, and^other in- 
fluential citizens, urged his return to the defence of his na- 
tive state. — But, considering America as his country, and the 
general safety as his object, he deemed it of more importance 
to remain on the Hudson ; there, he was not only securing 
the most important post in the United States, but concerting 
a grand plan of combined operations, which, as shall soon be 
related, not only delivered Virginia, but all the states, from 
the calamities of war. 

In Washington's disregard of property, when in competi- 
tion with national objects, he was in no respect partial to his 
own. Vv''hile the British were in the Potomac, they sent a 
flag on sliore to Mount Vernon, his private estate, requiring 
a supply of fresh provisions. Refusals of such demands, 
were often followed by burning tlie houses and other pro- 
perty near the river. To prevent this catastrophe, the person 
entrusted with the management of the estate, went on board 
with the flag, and carrying a supply of provisions, requested 
tliat the buildings and improvements might be spared. — For 
this, he received a severe reprimand in a letter to him, in 
which the general observed: "It would have been a less 
painful circumstance to me to have heard, that, in conse- 
quence of your non-compliance with the request of the British, 
tliey had burnt my house, and laid my plantations in ruins. 
You ouglit to have considered yourself as my representative, 
and should have reuected on tlie bad example of communicating 
with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of refreshment 
to them, with a view to prevent a confiagration." 

'i'o the other difficulties with wliich Washington had to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 10» 

contend in the preceding years of the war, a new one was 
about this time added. While the whole force at his disposal 
was unequal to the defence of the country against the com- 
mon enemy, a civil war was on the point of breaking out 
amongst his fellow-citizens. The claims of the inhabitants 
of Vermont, to be a separate and independent state ; and the 
claim of the state of New York, to their country, as within 
its chartered limits, together with open offers from the royal 
commanders, to establish and defend Vermont as a British 
province, produced a serious crisis, which called for the in- 
terference of the American chief. — This was the more ne- 
cessary, as the governments of New York and Vermont were 
both resolved on exercising a jurisdiction over the same peo- 
ple, and the same territory. Congress, wishing to compro- 
mise the controversy on middle ground, resolved, in Au- 
gust 1781, to accede to the independence of Vermont, on 
certain conditions, and within certain specified limits, which 
they supposed would satisfy both parties. Contrary to their 
expectations, this mediatorial act of the national legislature 
was rejected by Vermont, and yet was so disagreeable to the 
legislature of New York, as to draw from them a spirited 
protest against it. — Vermont complained that congress in- 
terfered in their internal police ; New York viev/ed the re- 
volution as a virtual dismemberment of their state, which was 
a constituent part of the confederacy. Washington, anxious 
for the peace of the union, sent a message to Mr. Chittenden, 
governor of Vermont, desiring to know what were the real 
designs, views, and intentions, of the people of Vermont; 
whether they would be satisfied with the independence pro- 
posed by congress, or had it seriously in contemplation to 
join with the enemy, and become a British province." — The 
governor returned an unequivocal answer; " that there were 
no people on the continent more attached to the cause of 
America than the people of Vermont ; but they were fully 
determined not to be put under the government of New 
York ; that they would oppose this by force of arms, and 
would join with the British in Canada, rather than submit 
to that government." — While both states were dissatisfied 
with congress, and their animosities, from increasing vio- 
llence and irritation, became daily more alarming, Wash- 
ington, aware of the extremes to which all parties were 
I tending, returned an answer to governor Chittenden, in which 
1 K 



110 THE LIFE OF 

were these expressions : '* It is not my business, neither do 
I think it necessary, now to discuss the origin of a right of 
a number of the inhabitants to that tract of country, formerly 
distinguislied by the name of the New Hampshire Grants, 
and now known by that of Vermont. — I will take it for 
granted, that their right was good, because congress, by their 
resolve of the 7th August, imply it, and by that of the 21st 
are willing fully to confirm it, provided the new state is con- 
fined to certain described bounds. It appears therefore to 
me, that the dispute of the boundary is the only one that 
exists, and that being removed, all other difficulties would be 
removed also, and the matter terminated to the satisfaction 
of all parties. — You have nothing to do but to withdraw 
your jurisdiction to the confines of your own limits, and 
obtain an acknowledgment of independence and sovereignty, 
under the resolve of the 21st of August, for so much territory 
as does not interfere with the ancient established bounds of 
New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts. In my 
private opinion, while it behoves the delegates to do ample 
justice to a body of people sufficiently respectable by their 
numbers, and entitled by other claims to be admitted into 
that confederation, it becomes them also to attend to the in- 
terests of their constituents, and see, that under the appear- 
ance of justice to one, they do not materially injure the rights 
of others. I am apt to think this the prevailing opinion of 
congress." 

The impartiality, moderation, and good sense, of this let- 
ter, together with a full conviction of the disinterested pa- 
triotism of the writer, caused a revolution in the minds of the 
legislature of Vermont, and they accepted the propositions 
of congress, though they had rejected them four -months be- 
fore. A truce amongst the contending parties followed, and 
the storm blew over. Thus, the personal influence of one 
man, derived from his pre-eminent virtues and meritorious 
services, extinguished the sparks of civil discord, at the time 
they were kindling into flame.* 

Though in conducting the American war. General Wash- 
ington often acted on the Fabian system, by evacuating, re- 

* For more parliculars, see Williams' History of Vermont ; a work, which, 
for its superior merit, deserves a place in every library. If the author had 
been a European, this would probably have been the case, soon after his en- 
lightened, philos(jphical history had crossed the Atlantic and made its appeai- 
auce in the U/iited States. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. Ill 

treating, and avoiding- decisive engagements, yet this was 
much more the result of necessity than of choice. His uni- 
form opinion was in favour of energetic offensive operations, 
as the most effectual means of bringing the war to a termina- 
tion. On this principle, he planned attacks in almost every 
year, on some of the British armies or strong posts in the 
United States. He endeavoured, from year to year, to stimu- 
late the public mind to some great operation ; but was never 
properly supported. — In the year 1778, 1779, and 1780, the 
projected combined operations with the French, as has been 
related, entirely miscarried. The idea of ending the war by 
some decisive military exploit, continually occupied his ac- 
tive mind. To ensure success, a naval superiority on the 
coast, and a loan of money, were indispensably necessary. 
The last was particularly requisite in the year 1781 ; for the 
resources of the United States, were then so reduced, as to 
be unequal to the support of their army, or even to the trans- 
portation of it to any distant scene of action. — To obtain 
these necessary aids, it was determined to send an envoy ex- 
traordinary to the court of Versailles. Lieutenant colonel 
John Laurens was selected for this purpose. He was in 
every respect qualified for the important mission. " In ad- 
dition to the most engaging personal address, his connexion 
with the commander-in-chief, as one of his aids-de-camp, 
gave him an opportunity of being intimately acquainted with 
the military resources and weaknesses of his country. — 
These were also particularly detailed in the form of a letter 
to him from General Washington. This was written when 
the Pennsylvania line was in open revolt. x\mongst other 
interesting matters, it stated, " That the efforts already 
made by the United States, exceeded the natural ability of 
the country, and that any revenue they were capable of 
making, would leave a large surplus to be supplied by credit ; 
that experience had proved the impossibility of supporting a 
paper system -without funds, and that domestic loans could 
not be effected, because there were few men of monied capi- 
tal in the United States ; that from necessity, recourse had 
been had to military impressments for supporting the army, 
which, if continued longer, or urged farther, would probably 
disgust the people, and bring round a revolution of public 
sentiment : 

** That the relief procured by these violent means was so 



112 THE LIFE OP 

inadequate, that the patience of the army was exhaitsted, and 
their discontents had broken out in serious and alarming 
mutinies ; that the relief necessary was not within the power 
of the United States ; and tliat from a view of all circum- 
stances, a loan of money was absolutely necessary, for re- 
viving public credit, and giving vigaur to future operations.'* 
It was farther stated, " that next to a loan of money, a 
French naval superiority in the American seas was of so 
much importance, that, without it, nothing decisive could be 
undertaken against the British, who were in the greatest 
force on and near the coasts." 

The future means possessed by the United States, to re- 
pay any loan that might be made, were particularly stated ; 
and also that "there was still a fund of resource and incli- 
nation in the country equal to great exertions, provided that 
a liberal supply of money would furnish the means of stop- 
ping the progress of disgust which resulted from the unpopu- 
lar mode of supplying the army by requisition and impress- 
ment," 

So interesting a statement, sanctioned by the American 
chief, and enforced by the address of colonel Laurens, direct- 
ly from the scene of action, and the influence of Dr. Frank- 
lin, who, for the five preceding years, had been minister 
plenipotentiary from the United States to the court of Ver- 
sailles, produced the desired effect. His most Christian 
majest^'^ gave his American allies a subsidy of six . millions 
of livres, and became their security for ten millions more, 
borrov/ed for their use in the United Netherlands. A naval 
co-operation was promised, and a conjunct expedition against 
their common foes projected. 

The American war was now so far involved in the conse- 
quences of naval operations, that a superior French fleet 
seemed to be the hinge on which it was likely soon to take a 
favourable turn. The British army being distributed in the 
different sea-ports of the United States, any division of it, 
blocked up by a French fleet, could not long resist the su- 
perior combined force which might be brought to operate 
against it. The marquis de Castries, who directed the ma- 
rine of France, witli great precision calculated the naval 
force which the British could concentrate on the coast of the 
United States, and disposed- his own in such a manner as in- 
sured him a superiority, — In conformity with these princi- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 113 

pies, and in siibserAdency to the design of the campaign, M 
de Grasse sailed in March, 1781, from Brest, with twenty- 
five sail of the line, several thousand land forces, and a 
large convoy, amounting to more than two hundred ships. 
A small part of this force was destined for the East Indies, 
but M. de Grasse, with the greater part, sailed for Marti- 
nique. 

The British fleet then in the West Indies had been pre- 
viously weakened, by the departure of a squadron for the 
protection of the ships. employed in carrying to England the 
booty which had been taken at St. Eustatius. The British 
admirals, Hood and Drake, were detached to intercept the 
outward-bound French fleet, commanded by M. de Grasse ; 
but a junction between his force and eight ships of the line, 
and one of fifty guns, which were previously at Martinique 
and St. Domingo, was nevertheless eff'ected. By this com- 
bination of fresh ships from Europe, with the French fleet 
previously in the West Indies, they had a decided superiori- 
ty. — M. de Grasse having finished his business in the West 
Indies, sailed, in the beginning of August, with a prodigious 
convoy. After seeing this out of danger, he directed his 
course to the Chesapeake, and arrived there on the thirtieth 
of the same month. Five days before his arrival in the 
Chesapeake, the French fleet in Rhode Island sailed for the 
same place. These fleets, notwithstanding their original 
distance from the scene of action, and from each other, co- 
incided in their operations in an extraordinary manner, far 
beyond the reach of military calculation. They all tended 
to one object, and at one and the same time ; and that object 
was neither known nor suspected by the British, till the 
proper season for counter-action was elapsed. 

This coincidence of favourable circumstances, extended to 
the marches of the American and French land forces. The 
plan of operations had been so well digested, and was so 
faithfully executed by the diflferent commanders, that Gene- 
ral Washington and count Rochambeau had passed the British 
head-quarters in New York, and were considerably advanced 
on their way to Yorktown, before the count de Grasse had 
reached the American coast. This wa« eflected in the fol- 
lowing manner: Monsieur de Barras, appointed to the com- 
mand of the French squadron at Newport, arrived at Boston 
with despatches for count de Rochambeau. — An interview 
k2 



114 THE LIFE OF 

soon afterwards took place at Weathersfield, between gene- 
rals Washington, Knox, and du Portaii, on the part of the 
Americans, and count de Rochambeau and the chevalier 
Chestelleux, on the part of the French. At this interview, 
an eventual plan of the whole campaign was fixed. This 
was to lay siege to New York, in concert with a French 
fleet, which was to arrive on the coast in the month of Au- 
gust. It was agreed, that the -French troops should march to- 
wards the North River. Letters were addressed by General 
Washington to the executive officers of New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Jersey, requiring them 
to fill up their battalions, and to have their quotas of six 
thousand two hundred militia in readiness within a week of 
the time when they might be demanded. — Conformably to 
these outlines of the campaign, the French troops marched 
from Rhode Island in June, and early in the following month 
joined the American army. At the same time, Washington 
marched his army from their winter encampment near Peek- 
ekill, to the vicininty of Kingsbridge. General Lincoln 
descended the North River with a detachment in boats, and 
took possession of the ground where Fort Independence 
formerly stood. An attack was made upon him, but was 
soon discontinued. T)ie British about this time retired with 
almost the whole of their force to York Island. — Washington 
hoped to be able to commence operations against New York 
about the middle, or at furthest, the latter end of July. Flat- 
bottomed boats, sufficient to transport five thousand men, 
were built near Albany, and brought down t]ie North River 
to the neighbourhood of the American army before New 
York. Ovens were erected opposite to Staten Island, for 
the use of the French troops. Every movement introduct- 
ory to the commencement of the siege, was made. — To the 
great mortification of Washington, he found himself, on the 
2d of August, only a few hundreds stronger than on the day 
his army first moved from their winter-quarters. — To have 
fixed on a plan of operations with a foreign officer, at the 
head of a respectable force ; to have brought that force from 
a considerable distance, in confident expectation of reinforce- 
ments sufficiently large to commence efi^ective operations 
against the common enemy; and at .the same time to have 
engagements in behalf of the states violated in direct oppo- 
sition to their own interests, and in a manner derogatory to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 115 

his personal honour ; was enough to excite storms and tem- 
pests in any mind, less calm than that of General Washing- 
t9n. He bore this hard trial with his usual magnanimity, 
and contented himself with repeating his requisitions to the 
states, and at the same time urged them, by every tie, to 
enable him to fulfil engagements entered into on their ac- 
count with the commander of the French troops. 

That tardiness, which at other times had brought the 
Americans near the brink of ruin, was now the accidental 
cause of real service. Had they sent forward their recruits 
for the regular army, and their quotas of militia, as was ex- 
pected, the siege of New York would have commenced in 
the latter end of July, or early in August. While the season 
was wasting away in expectation of these reinforcements, 
lord Cornwallis, as has been mentioned, fixed himself near 
the Capes of Virginia. His situation there ; the arrival of a 
reinforcement of three thousand Germans from Europe at 
New York ; the superior strength of their garrison ; the fail- 
ure of the states in filling up their battalions and embodying 
their militia ; and especially recent intelligence from count 
de Grasse, that his destination was fixed to the Chesapeake ; 
concurred, about the middle of August, to make a total change 
in the plan of the campaign. 

The appearance of an intention to attack New York, was 
nevertheless continued. While this deception was played 
off, the allied army crossed the North River, and passed on, 
by the way of Philadelphia, through the intermediate coun- 
try to Yorktown. An attempt to reduce the British force in 
Virginia, promised success with more expedition, and the se- 
curity of an object of nearly equal importance with the reduc- 
tion of New York. 

While the attack upon New York was in serious contem- 
plation, a letter from General Washington, detailing the par- 
ticulars of the intended operations of the campaign, being in- 
tercepted, fell into the hands of sir Henry Clinton. After 
the plan was changed, the royal commander was so much un- 
der the impression of the intelligence contained in the inter- 
cepted letter, that he believed every movement towards Vir- 
ginia to be a feint, calculated to draw off his attention from 
the defence of New York. — Under the ii^fluence of tliis opin- 
ion, he bent his whole force to strengthen that post ; and suf- 
fered the American and French armies to pass him wilhou 



116 THE LIFE OF 

molestation. When the best opportunity for striking at them 
was elapsed, then, for the first lime, he was induced to be- 
lieve, that the allies had fixed on Virginia for the theatre of 
their combined operations. As truth may be made to an- 
swer the purposes of deception, so no feint of attacking 
New York could have been more successful than the real 
intention. 

In the latter end of August, the American army began its 
march to Virginia, from the neighbourhood of New York. 
Washington had advanced as far as Chester, before he re- 
ceived the news of the arrival of the fleet commanded by M. 
de Grasse. The French troops marched at the same time, 
and for the same place. General Washington and count 
Rochambeau, with generals Chastelleux, du Portail, and 
Knox, proceeded to visit count de Grasse, on board his ship, 
the Ville de Paris, and agreed oij a plan of operations. 

The count afterwards wrote to Washington, that, " in case 
a British fleet appeared, he conceived that he ought to go out 
and meet them at sea, instead of risking an engagement in a 
confined situation." This alarmed the general. He sent 
the marquis de la Fayette with a letter to dissuade him from 
the dangerous measure. This letter, and the persuasions of 
the marquis, had the desired effect. 

The combined forces proceeded on their way to Yorktown, 
partly by land, and partly down the Chesapeake. The whole, 
together with a body of Virginia militia, under the command 
of general Nelson, rendezvouzed at Williamsburg, on the 
25th of September, and in five days afterwards moved down 
to the investiture of Yorktown. The French fleet at the 
same time moved to the mouth of York river, and took a po- 
sition calculated to prevent lord Cornwallis either from re- 
treating, or receiving succour by water. — Previously to the 
march from Williamsburg to Yorktown, Washington gave out 
in general orders, as follows : "If the enemy should, be 
tempted to meet the army on its march, the general particu- 
larly enjoins the troops to place their principal reliance on 
the bayonet, that they may prove the vanity of tlie boast 
which the British make of their particular prowess in decid- 
ing battles with that weapon." 

The works erected for the security of Yorktown on the 
right, were redoubts and batteries, with a line of stockade in 
the rear. A marshy ravine lay in front of the right, over 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 117 

Xv'hic'h was placed a large redoubt. The moras:s extended 
along the centre, which was defended by a line of stockade, 
and by batteries. On the left of the centre, was a hornwork 
with a ditch, a row of frise, and an abatis. Two redoubts 
were advanced before the left. The combined forces ad- 
vanced, and took possession of the ground from which the 
British had retired. About this time, the legion cavalry and 
mounted inHintry passed over the river to Gloucester. General 
de Choisy invested the British post on that side, so fully, us to 
cut off all communication between it and the country. — In 
the mean time, the royal army was straining every nerve to 
strengthen their works ; and their artillery was constantly 
employed in impeding the operations of the combined army. 
On the ninth and tenth of October, the Americans and French 
opened their batteries. They kept up a brisk and well di- 
rected fire from heavy cannon, from mortars and howitzers. 
The shells of the besiegers reached the ships in the harbour ; 
the Charon of forty-four guns, and a transport ship, were 
burned. The besiegers commenced their second parallel 
two hundred yards from the works of the besieged.—- 
Two redoubts which were advanced on the left of the 
British, greatly impeded the progress of the combined 
armies. It was, therefore, proposed to carry them by storm. 
To excite a spirit of emulation, the reduction of the one was 
committed to the French ; of the other, to the Americans. 
The assailants marched to the assault with unloaded arms ; 
having passed the abatis and palisades, they attacked on all 
sides, aud carried the redoubt in a few minutes, Ivith the loss 
of eight men killed, and twenty-eight wounded. 

The French were equally successful on their part. They 
carried the redoubt assigned to them with rapidity, but lost 
a considerable number of men. These two redoubts were 
included in the second parallel, and facilitated the subsequent 
operations of the besiegers. 

By this time, the batteries ctf the besiegers were covered 
with nearly a hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, and the 
works of the besieged w^ere so damaged, that they could 
scarcely show a single gun. Lord Cornwallis had now no 
hope left, but from offering terms of capitulation, or attempt- 
ing an escape. He determined on the latter. This, though 
less practicable than when first proposed, was not altogether 
hopeless. Boats were prepared to receive the troops ia the 



118 THE LIFE OF 

night, and transport them to Gloucester point. After one 
embarkation had crossed, a violent storm of wind and rain 
dispersed the boats, and frustrated the whole scheme. — The 
royal army, thus weakened by division, was exposed to in- 
creased danger. Orders were sent to those who had passed, 
to recross the river to Yorktown. With the failure of this 
scheme, the last hoJ)e of the British army expired. Longer 
resistance could answer no good purpose, and might occiision 
the loss of many valuable lives. Lord Cornwallis therefore 
wrote a letter to General Washington, requesting a cessation 
of arms for twenty-four hours ; and also, that commissioners 
might be appointed to digest terms of capitulation. — This 
was agreed to, and in consequence, the posts of York and 
Gloucester were surrendered on certain stipulations ; the 
principal of which were as follows : " The troops to be pri- 
soners of war to congress, and the naval force to France ; 
the officers to retain their side-arms and private property of 
every kind, but every thing obviously belonging to the inha- 
bitants of the LTnited States, to be subject to be reclaimed ; 
the soldiers to be kept in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsyl- 
vania, and to be supplied with the same rations as are allow- 
ed to soldiers in the service of congress ; a proportion of the 
officers to march into the country with the prisoners, the rest 
to be allowed to proceed on parole to Europe, to New York,. 
or to any other American maritime post in possession of the 
British." 

The honour of marching out with colours flying, which 
had been refused to general Lincoln on his surrendering 
Charleston, was now refused to earl Cornwallis ; and gene- 
ral Lincoln was appointed to receive the submission of the 
royal army at Yorktown, precisely in the same way in 
which his own had been conducted about eighteen months 
before. 

The regular troops of America and France, employed m 
this siege, consisted of about #ve thousand five hundred of 
the former, and seven thousand of the latter, and they were 
assisted by about four thousand militia. On the part of the 
com.bined army, about three hundred were killed or wound- 
ed. On the part of the British, about five hundred and se- 
venty were taken in the redoubts, which were carried by as- 
sault on tlie 14th of October. The troops of every kind that 
fiurreudered prisoners of war, exceeded seven thousand men; 



GEORGE Washington. no 

but, so great was the number of sick and wounded, that there 
were only three thousand eight hundred capable of bearing 
arms. * 

Congress honoured General Washington, count de Ro- 
chambeau, count de Grasse, the officers of the different corps, 
aiid the men under their command, with thanks, for their 
services in the reduction of lord Cornwallis. The whole 
project was conceived with profound wisdom, and the inci- 
dents of' it had been combined with singular propriety. It 
is not therefore wonderful, that, from the remarkable coinci- 
dence in all its parts, it was crowned with unvaried success. 

General Washington, on the day after the Surrender, or- 
dered, " that those who were under arrest, should be par- 
doned and set at liberty." His orders closed as follows : 
*' Divine service shall be performed to-morrow in, the differ- 
ent brigades and divisions. The commander-in-chief recom- 
mends, that all the troops that are not upon duty, do assist at 
it with a serious deportment, and that sensibility of heart, 
which the recollection of the surprising and particular inter- 
position of Providence, in our favour claims." 

The interesting event of capturing a second royal army, 
produced strong emotions, which broke out in all the varie- 
ty of ways, in which the most rapturous joy usually displays 
itself. 

After the capture of lord Cornwallis, Washington, with 
the greater part of his army, returned to the vicinity of New 
York. 

In the preceding six years, he had been accustomed to 
look forward, and to provide for all possible events. In the 
habit of struggling with difficulties, his courage at all times 
grew with the dangers which surrounded him. In the most 
disastrous situations, he was far removed from despair. On 
the other hand, those fortunate events which induced many 
to believe that the revolution was accomplished, never ope- 
rated on him, so far as to relax his exertions or precautions. 
Though complete success had been obtained by the allied 
arms in Virginia, and great advantages had been gained in 
1781, in the Carolinas, yet Washington urged the necessity 
of being prepared for another campaign. In a letter to gene- 
ral Greene, he observed, " I shall endeavour to stimulate con- 
gress to the best improvement of our late success, by taking 
the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an 



120 THE LIFE OF 

early and decisive campaign the next year. My greatest fear 
is, that, viewing the stroke in a point of light which may too 
much magnify its importance, they may think our work too 
nearly closed, and fall into a state of languor and relaxation. 
To prevent this error, I shall employ every means in my pow^ 
er, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part 
of tlie blame sliall be mine." 



CHAPTER IX. 

1782 AND 1783. 



Projects of peace. Languor of the states. Discontents of 
the army. General Washington prevents the adoption 
of rash measures. Some new levies m Pennsylvania^ 
mutiny 1 and are quelled. Washington recommends mea- 
sures for the preservation of independence, peace, liberty, 
and happiness. Dismisses his army. Enters Neiv York. 
Takes leave of his officers. Settles his accounts, lie- 
pairs to Annapolis. Resigns his commission. Returns 
to Mount Vernon, and resumes his agricultural pursuits^ 

The military establishment of 1782, was settled by con- 
gress with unusual celerity, shortly after the surrender of 
lord Comwullis ; but no exertions of America alone could do 
more than confine the British to the sea-ooast. To dislodge 
them from their strong holds in New York and Charleston, 
occupied the unceasing attention of Washington. While 
he was concerting plans for further combined operations with 
the French, and at the same time endeavouring, by circular 
letters, to rouse his countrymen to spirited measures, intelli- 
gence arrived, that several motions for discontinuing the 
American war, had been debated in the British Parliament, 
and nearly carried. — Fearing that this would relax the ex- 
ertions of the states, he added, in his circular letters to 
their respective governors, " I have perused these debates 
with great attention and care, with a view, if possible, to 
penetrate their real design ; and, upon the most mature deli- 
beration I can bestow, I am obliged to declare it as my candid 
opinion, that the measure, in all its views, so far as it re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 121 

fipects America, is merely delusory, having no serious inten- 
tion to admit our independence upon its true principles ; but 
is calculated to produce a change of ministers to quiet the 
minds of their own people, and reconcile them to a continu- 
ance of the war, while it is meant to amuse this country with 
a false idea of peace, to draw us from our connexion with 
France, and to lull us into a state of security and inactivity ; 
which taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecute 
the war in other parts of the world, with greater vigour and 
effect. — Your excellency will permit me on this occasion to 
observe, that, even if the nation and parliament are really in 
earnest to obtain peace with America, it will undoubtedly be 
wisdom in us to meet them with great caution and circum- 
spection, and by all means to keep our arms firm in our hands, 
and instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions, rather to 
spring forward with redoubled vigour, that we may take the 
advantage of every favourable opportunity, until our wishes 
are fully obtained. No nation yet suflered in treaty, by pre- 
paring, even in the moment of negociation, most vigorously 
for the field." 

Early in May, sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded sir 
Henry Clinton as commander-in-chief of the British forces 
in America, arrived in New York, and announced, in succes- 
sive communications, the increasing probability of a speedy 
peace, and his disapprobation of further hostilities, which 
he observed, " could tend only to multiply the miseries of 
individuals, without a possible advantage to either nation," 

The cautious temper of Washington gradually yielded to 
increasing evidence that the British were seriously inclined 
to terminate the war ; but, in proportion as this opinion pre- 
vailed, the exertions of the states relaxed. Not more than 
eighty thousand dollars had been received from them all, 
when the month of August was far advanced. Every ex- 
penditure yielded to the subsistence of the army. A suf- 
ficiency of money could scarcely be obtained for that in- 
dispensably necessary purpose. To pay the troops, was 
impossible. 

Washington, whose sagacity anticipated events, foresaw 
with concern, the consequences kkefy to result from the tar- 
diness of the states to comply with the requisitions of con- 
gress. These had been ample. Eight millions of dollars had 
been required to be paid in four equal quarterly instalments, 

L 



123 tHE LIFE OF 

for the sefvice of the year 1782. In a confidential letter tb 
the secretary of war, Washington observed, " I cannot help 
fearing the result of reducing the array, where I see such a 
number of men goaded by a thousand stings of reflection on 
the past, and of anticipations on the future, about to be turned 
into the world, soured by penury, and what they call the in- 
gratitude of the public ; involved in debts without one farthing 
of money to carry them home, after having spent the llower 
of their days, and many of them their patriinonies, in esta- 
blishing the freedom and independence of their country, and 
having suffered every thing which human nature is capable 
of enduring on this side of death. I repeat it, when I reflect 
on these irritable circumstances, I cannot avoid apprehend- 
ing that a train of evils will follow, of a very serious and 
distressing nature. 

" I wish not to heigliten the shades of the picture, so far 
as the real life Avould justify me in doing, or I would give 
anecdotes of patriotism and distress, which have scarcely 
ever been paralleled, never surpassed in the history of man- 
kind. But you may rely upon it, the patience and long suf- 
ferance of this army are almost exhausted, and there never 
was so great a spirit of discontent, as at this instant. While 
in the field, it may be kept from breaking out into acts of 
outrage ; but when we retire into winter-quarters, unless the 
storm be previously dissipated, I cannot be at ease respect- 
ing the consequences. It is high time for peace." 

These appreliensions were well founded. To watch the 
discontents of his troops, the American chief continued in 
camp after they had retired into winter-quarters, though there 
was no prospect of any military operations which might 
require his presence. Soon after their retirement, the of- 
ficers presented a petition to congress, respecting their pay, 
and deputed a committee of their body to solicit their in- 
terest, while under consideration. 

Nothing had been decided on the claims of the army, 
when intelligence, in March, 1783, arrived, that preliminary 
and eventual articles of peace, between the United States and 
Great Britain, had been signed on the 30th of the preceding 
November, in which the iitdependence of the United States 
was amply recognized. In the general joy excited by this 
event, the army partook ; but one unpleasant idea mingled 
itself with their exultations. They suspected, that, as justice " 



GEORGE VVASIJINGTON. 123 

had not been done to them while their services were indispen- 
sable, they would be less likely to obtain it when they ceased 
to be necessary. Their fears on this account were increased 
by a letter which ^bout the same time was received from 
their committee in Philadelphia, announcing that the objects 
which they had solicited from congress had not yet been ob- 
tained. — Smarting as they w^ere under past sufferings, and 
present wants, their exasperation became violent, and almost 
universal. While they were brooding over their gloomy 
prospects, and provoked at the apparent neglect with which 
they had been treated, an anonymous paper was circulated, 
proposing a meeting of the general and field officers on the 
next day. The avowed object of this meeting was to con- 
sider the late letter from their committee to congress, and 
what measures should be adopted to obtain that redress of 
grievances which they seemed to have solicited in vain. On 
the same day, the following anonymous address was private- 
ly circulated. 

*' To the Officers of the Army, 

*' Gentlemen — A fellow soldier, whose interest and af- 
fections bind him strongly to you, whose past sufferings have 
been as great, and whose future fortune may be as desperate 
as yours, would beg leave to address you. Age has its claims, 
and rank is not without its pretensions to advise ; but, though 
unsupported by both, he flatters himself that the plain lan- 
guage of sincerity and experience, will neither be unheard, 
nor unregarded. Like many of you, he loved private life, 
and left it with regret. He left it, determined to retire from 
the field with the necessity that called him to it, and not till 
then; not till the enemies of his country, the slaves of pow- 
er, and the hirelings of injustice, were compelled to abandon 
their schemes, and acknowledge America as terrible inarms 
as she had been humble in remonstrance. — With this object 
in view, he has long shared in your toils, and mingled in 
your dangers ; he has felt the cold hand of poverty without a 
murmur, and has seen the insolence of wealth without a 
sigh. But, too much under the direction of his wishes, and 
sometimes weak enough to mistake desire for opinion, he has 
till lately, very lately, believed in the justice of his country. 
He hoped, that as the clouds of adversity scattered, and as 
ihe sunshine of peace and better fortune broke in upon 



124 THE LIFE OP 

us, the coldness and severity of goverament would relax, 
and that, more than justice, that p^ratitude would blaze forth 
upon those hands which had upheld her in the darkest stages 
of her passage, from impending servitude to acknowledge in- 
dependence. — But faith has its limits, as well as temper; 
and there are points beyond which neither can be stretched, 
without sinking into cowardice, or plunging into credulity. 
This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation. Hurried 
to the very verge of both, another step would ruin you for 
ever. To be tame and unprovoked when injuries press 
hard upon you, is more than weakness ; but to look up for 
kinder usage without one manly effort of your own, would 
fix your character, and show the world how richly you de- 
serve those chains you broke. To guard against this evil, 
let us take a review of the ground upon which we now stand, 
and from thence carry our thoughts forward for a moment, 
into the unexplored field of expedient. 

"After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which 
we set out is at length brought within our reach ! — Yes, my 
friends, that suffering courage of yours, was active once ; it 
has conducted the United States of America through a doubt- 
ful and bloody war. It has placed her in the chair of in- 
dependency, and peace returns again to bless — whom ? A 
country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, 
and reward your services ; a country courting your return to 
private life with tears of gratitude, and smiles of admiration ; 
longing to divide with you that independency which your 
gallantry has given, and those riches which your wounds 
have preserved ? — Is this the case ? Or is it rather, a country 
that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and in- 
sults your distresses ? Have you not, more than once, sug- 
gested your wishes, and made known your wants to con- 
gress ? Wants and wishes which gratitude and policy should 
have anticipated, rather than evaded. And have you not 
lately, in the meek language of entreating memorial, begged 
from their justice, what you would no longer expect from 
their favour? How have you been answered? Let the letter 
which you are called to consider to-morrow, make reply. 

" If this, then, be your treatment, while the swords you 
wear are necessary for the defence of America, what have 
you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and 
your strenfjlh dissipate by division ? 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 125 

" When these very swords, the instruments and compan- 
ions of your fflory, shall be taken from your sides, and no 
remaining mark of military distinction left, but your wants, 
infirmities, and scars ; can you then consent to be the only 
sufferers by this revolution, and retiring from the field grow 
old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you con- 
sent to wade througli the vile mire of dependency, and owe 
the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has 
hitherto been spent in honour ? If you can, go ; and carry 
with you the jest of tories, and the scorn of whigs ; the 
ridicule, and what is worse, the pi/y of the world ! Go, starve, 
and be forgotten ! — But if your spirit should revolt at this ; 
if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit enough to 
oppose tyranny, under whatever garb it may assume ; 
whether it be the plain coat of republicanism, or the splendid 
robe of royalty ; if you have yet learned to discriminate be- 
tween a people and a cause, between men and principles, 
awake ! Attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. 
If the present moment be lost, every future eflfbrt is in vain ; 
and your threats then will be as empty as your entreaties 
now. I would advise you, therefore, to come to some final 
opinion, upon what you can bear, and what you will suflfer. — 
If your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs, 
carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of govern- 
ment ; change the milk and water style of your last memo- 
rial ; assume a bolder tone; decent, but lively, spirited, and 
determined ; and suspect the man who would advise to more 
moderation and longer forbearance. Let two or three men, 
who can feel as well as Avrite, be appointed to draw up your 
last remonstrance ; for I would no longer give it the sueing, 
soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial. Let it be represented, 
in language that will neither dishonour you by its rudeness, 
nor betray you by its fears, what has been promised by con- 
gress, and what has been performed ; how long and how pa- 
tiently you have suffered ; how little you have asked, and 
how much of that liftle has been denied. Tell them, that 
though you were the first, and would wish to be the last, to 
encounter danger ; though despair itself can never drive you 
into dishonour, it may drive you from the field; that the 
woimd often irritated, and never healed, may at length be- 
come incurable; and that the slightest mark of indignity 
from congress now, must operate like the grave, and part vou 
l2 



126 THE LIFE OP 

for ever ; that in any political event, the larmy has its alter- 
native. — If peacty that nothing shall separate yon from your 
arms but death ; if war, that courting the auspices, and in- 
viting the directions of your illustrious leader, you will re- 
tire to some unsettled country, smile in your turn, and 
* mock when their fear cometh on.' But let it represent 
-also, that should they comply with the request of your late 
memorial, it would make you more happy, and them more 
respectable ; that while the war should continue, you would 
follow their standard into the field; and when it came to an 
end, you would withdraw into the shade of private life, and 
give the world another subject of wonder and applause ; an 
army victorious over its enemies, victorious over itself. ^^ 

This artful address found in almost every bosom, senti- 
ments so congenial, as to prepare the way for its favourable 
reception. It operated like a torch on combustible materials. 
The passions of the army quickly caught the flame which it 
was well calculated to excite. Every appearance threatened 
that the proposed convention of the officers would produce 
an explosion which might tarnish the reputation of the army, 
disturb the peace of the country, and, under certain circum- 
stances, most probably terminate in the subversion of the re- 
cent liberties of the newly formed states. 

Accustomed, as Washington had been, to emergencies of 
great delicacy and difficulty, yet none had occurred, which 
called more pressingly than the present, for the utmost ex- 
ertion of all his powers. He knew well, that it was much 
easier to avoid intemperate measures, than to recede from 
ithem, after they had been adopted. He therefore consider- 
ed it as a matter of the first importance, to prevent the meet- 
ing of the officers on the succeeding day, as proposed in the 
anonymous summons. The sensibilities of the army were 
too high to admit of this being forbidden by authority, as a 
violation of discipline, but the end was answered in another 
way, and without irritation. — The commander-in-chief, in 
general orders, noticed the anonymous summons, as a dis- 
orderly proceeding, not to be countenanced ; and, the more 
effectually to divert the officers from paying any attention to 
it, he requested them to meet for the same nominal purpose, 
liut on a day four days subsequent to the one proposed by 
the anonymous addresser. The intervening period was 
«nployed in preparing the officers for the adoption of xx\qc\(*^ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127 

rate measures. — General Washington sent for one officer 
after another, and enlarged, in private, on the fatal conse- 
quences ; and particularly the loss of character, which would 
result from the adoption of intemperate resolutions. His 
whole personal influence was exerted, to calm the prevailing 
agitation. When the officers assembled, their venerable 
chief, exerted, preparing to address them, found his eye-sight 
to fail him ; on which, he observed, *' My eyes have grown 
dim in my country's service, but I ne-ver doubted of its jus- 
tice ;" and then proceeded as follows : 

" Gentlemen, — By an anonymous summons, an attempt 
has been made to convene you together. How inconsistent 
with the rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and how sub- 
versive of all order and discipline, let the good sense of the 
army decide. 

" In the moment of this summons, another anonymous 
production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the 
feelings and passions, than to the reason and judgment of the 
army. The author of the piece is entitled to much credit for 
the goodness of his pen ; and I could wish he had as much 
credit for the rectitude of his heart ; for, as men see through 
different optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of 
*the mind, to use different means to attain the same end, the 
author of the address should have had more charity, than to 
■mark for suspicion, the man who should recommend mode- 
ration and longer forbearance ; or, in other words, who 
should not think, as he thinks, and act as he advises. — But 
he had another plan in view, in which candour and liberality 
of sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country, have no 
part ; and he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion, to 
■effect the blackest design. That the address is drawn with 
great art, and is designed to answer the most insidious pur- 
poses ; that it is calculated to impress the mind with an idea 
of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of the United 
States, and. rouse all those resentments, which must unavoid- 
ably flow from such Jtabelief; that the secret mover of this 
-scheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of 
the passions while they were warmed by the recollection of 
past distresses, without giving time for cool, deliberate think- 
ing, and that composure of mind which is so necessary to 
give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too ob- 
^vious, by the mode of conducting the business, to need other 



128 THE LIFE OF 

proof than a reference to the proceeding. — Thus much, o-en- 
tlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, 
to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and 
hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on 
Tuesday last, and not because I wanted a disposition to give 
you every opportunity consistent with your own honour and 
the dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. If 
my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you, that I have 
been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at this 
time would be equally unavailing and improper. — But, as I 
was amongst the first who embarked in the cause of our com- 
mon country ; as I have never left your side one moment, 
but when called from you on public duty ; as I have been 
the constant companion and witness of your distresses, and 
not amongst the last to feel and acknowledge your merits ; 
as I have ever considered my own military reputation as in- 
separably connected with that of the army ; as my heart has 
ever expanded v/ith joy when I have heard its praises, and 
my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has 
been opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at this 
late stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its interests. — 
But how are they to be promoted? The way is plain, says 
the anonymous addresser. If war continues, remove into the 
unsettled country ; there establish yourselves, and leave an 
ungrateful country to defend itself. But who are they to de- 
fend? Our wives, our children, our farms, and other pro- 
perty, which we leave behind us ? Or, in this state of hos- 
tile separation, are we to take the two first, the latter cannot 
be removed, to perish in a wilderness, with hunger, cold, and 
nakedness ? If peace takes place, never sheathe your swords, 
says he, until you have obtained full and ample justice. — 
This dreadful alternative, of either deserting our country in 
the extremest hour of her distress, or turning our armies 
against it, which is the apparent object, unless congress can 
be compelled into instant compliance, has something so 
shocking in it, that humanity revolts ^/ftie idea. My God ! 
what can this writer have in view, 'l^recommending such 
measures ? . Can he be a friend to the army ? Can he be a 
friend to this country ? Rather is he not an insidious foe ? 
Some emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting the ruin 
of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation be- 
tween the civil and military powers of the continent? — And 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 129 

what a compliment does he pay to onr understanding's, when 
he recommends measures, in either alternative, impractica- 
ble in their nature ? But here, gentlemen, I will drop the 
curtain, because it would be as imprudent in me to assign my 
reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your con- 
ception, to suppose you stood in need of them. A moment's 
reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the phy- 
sical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution. 
There might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking no- 
tice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production ; 
but the manner in which that performance has been intro- 
duced to the army, the effect it was intended to have, to- 
gether with some other circumstances, will amply justify my 
observations on the tendency of that writing. — With respect 
to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man who 
shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, 
I spurn it, as every man, who regards that liberty and reveres 
that justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for, 
if men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on 
a matter which may involve the most serious and alarming 
consequences that can invite the consideration of mankind, 
reason is of no use to us. The freedom of speech may be 
taken away, and dumb and silent we may be led, like sheep 
to the slaughter. I cannot, injustice to my own belief, and 
what I have great reason to conceive, is the intention of con- 
gress, conclude this address, without giving it as my decided 
opinion, that that honourable body entertain exalted senti- 
ments of the services of the army, and from a full conviction 
of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete justice; that 
their endeavours to discover and establish funds for this pur- 
pose has been unwearied, and will not cease till they have 
succeeded, I have not a doubt. — But, like all other large bo- 
dies, where there is a variety of different interests to recon- 
cile, their determinations are slow. Why then should we dis- 
trust them ? and in consequence of that distrust, adopt mea- 
sures which may cast a shade over that glory which has been 
so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army, 
which is celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and 
patriotism ? And, for what is this done ? To bring the object we 
seek nearer ? No ; most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast 
it at a greater distance. — For myself, and I take no merit in 
giving the assurance, being induced to it from principles of 



180 THE LIFE OF 

gratitude, veracity, and justice ; a grateful sense of the con- 
fidence you have ever placed in me ; a recollection of the 
cheerful assistance, and prompt obedience I have experienced 
from you, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere 
affection I feel for an army I have so long liad the honour to 
command, will oblige me to declare, in this public and so- 
lemn manner, that, in the attainment of complete justice for 
all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every 
wish, so far as may be done consistently with the great duly 
I owe to my country, and those powers we are bound to re- 
spect, you may freely command my services, to the utmost 
extent of my abilities. — While I give you these assurances, 
and pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert 
whatever ability I am possessed of in your favour, let me 
•entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any mea- 
sure, which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen 
the dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained ; 
let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your coun- 
try, and place a full confidence in the purity of the inten- 
tions of congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an 
army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, 
as directed in the resolutions which were published to you 
two days ago ; and that they will adopt the most effectual 
measures in their power to render ample justice to you, for 
your faithful and meritorious services. — And let me conjure 
you, in the name of our common country, as you value your, 
own sacred honour ; as you respect the rights of humanity ; 
and as you regard the military and national character of 
America; to express your utmost horror and detestation of 
the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to over- 
turn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempt* 
to open the floodgates of civil discord, and deluge our rising 
empire in blood. 

" By thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue 
the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes, 
you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who 
are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice. 
You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled 
patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure 
of the most complicated suflerings ; and you will, by the 
dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, 
wHen speaking of the glorius example you have exhibited to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131 

tnankind, ' Had this day been wanting, the world had never 
seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is 
capable of attaining.' " 

The address being ended, Washington withdrew. No 
persori was hardy enough to oppose the advice which he had 
given.* The impression made by his address was irresisti- 
ble. The happy moment was seized. While the minds of 
the officers, softened by the eloquence of their beloved com- 
mander, were in a yielding state, a resolution was offered and 
adopted, in which they assured him, " that they reciprocated 
his affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of 
which the heart was capable." — Before they dispersed, they 
unanimously adopted several other resolutions, in which they 
declared, "That no circumstances of distress or danger, 
should induce a conduct that might tend to sully the reputa- 
tion and glory they had acquired at the price of their blood» 
and eight years' faithful service ; that they continued to have 
an unshaken confidence in the justice of congress and their 
country ; that they viewed with abhorrence, and rejected 
with disdain, the infamous proposition contained in a late 
anonymous address to the officers of the army." 

The storm which had been long gathering, was suddenly 
dissipated. The army acquired additional reputation, and 
the commander-in-chief gave a new proof of the goodness of 
his heart, and the soundness of his judgment. Perhaps iii 
no instance did the United States receive from Heaven a 
more signal deliverance, through the liands of Washington, 
than in the happy termination of this serious transaction. 
If ambition had possessed a single corner of his heart, the 
opportunity was too favourable, the temptation too splendid, 
to have been resisted. — Cut his soul was superior to such 
views, and his love of country so ardent, and at the same 
time so pure, that the charms of power, though recommended 
by the imposing appearance of procuring justice for his un- 
rewarded army, made no impression on his unshaken mind. 
He viewed the character of a patriot as superior to that of 

* " It was hnppy for the army and country, that, when his excellency had 
finished and withdrawn, no one arose and observed, ' That General Washing- 
ton was about to quit the mililary line, laden with honour; and that he had a 
considerable estate to support him with dignity ; but that their case was ver/ 
different/ — Had stich ideas been thrown out, and properly enlarged upon, the 
meeting would probably have concluded very differenily." Gordon's History 
vol. 4, p 357. 



132 THE LIFE OF 

the soverei^. To be elevated to supreme power, was less 
in his esteem than to be a good man. 

Instead of turning the discontents of an unpaid army to his 
own aggrandizement, he profited by the late events to stimu- 
late congress to do them justice, ^is letter to their president, 
on this occasion, was as follows : 

Sir, — The result of the proceedings of the grand conven- 
tion of the officers, wliich I have the honour of enclosing to 
your excellency for the inspection of congress, will, I flatter 
myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriotism 
which could have been given, by men who aspired to the 
distinction of a patriot army ; and will not only confirm their 
claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the grati- 
tude of their country. Having seen the proceedings on the 
part of the army terminate with perfect unanimity, and in a 
manner entjrely consonant to my wishes ; being impressed 
with the liveliest sentiments of aifection for those who have 
Ko long, so patiently, and- so cheerfully sullered and fought 
under my immediate cUrection; having, from motives of jus- 
tice, duty, and gratitude, spontaneously oflered myself as an 
advocate for their riglits ; and, having been requested to 
write to your excellency, earnestly entreating the most 
speedy decision of congress upon the subjects of the late 
a,ddress from the army to that honourable body ; it now only 
remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and to 
intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign 
power will be pleased to verify the predictions I have, pro- 
nounced of, and the confidence tlie army have reposed in, 
the justice of tlieir country. — And here I humbly conceive it 
is altogether unnecessary, while I am pleading the cause of 
an army, which have done and sufiercd more than any other 
army ever did in the defence of the riglits and liberties of human 
nature, to expatiate on their claims to the most ample com- 
pensation for tlieir meritorious services, because they are 
known perfectly to the wliole world, and because, although 
the topics are inexhaustible, enough has already been said on 
the subject. To prove these assertions, to evince that my 
sentiments have ever been uniform, and to show what my 
ideas of the rewards in question have always been, I appeal 
to the archives of congress, and call on those sacred depos- 
its to witness for me. — And in order that my observations 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 133 

^nd arguments in favour of a future adequate provision for 
the officers of the army, may be brought to remembrance again, 
and considered in a single point of view, without giving con- 
gress the trouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg 
•leave to transmit herewith an extract from a representation 
made by me to a committee of congress, so long ago as the 
20th of January, 1778, and also the transcript of a letter to 
the president of congress, dated near Passaic Falls, October 
11th, 1780. 

" That in the critical and perilous moment, when the last 
mentioned communication was made, there was the utmost 
danger a dissolution of the army would have taken place, un- 
less measures similar to those recommended, had been adopt- 
ed, will not admit a doubt: That the adoption of the resolution 
granting half pay for life, has been attended with all the hap- 
py consequences I had foretold, so far as respected the good of 
the service, let the astonishing contrast between the state of 
the army at this instant, and at the former period, determine: 
And that the establishment of funds, and security of the 
payment of all the just demands of the army will be the 
most certain means of preserving the national faith and fu- 
ture tranquillity of this extensive continent, is my decided 
opinion. 

" By the preceding remarks, it will readily be imagined, 
that, instead of retracting and reprehending, from farther 
experience and reflection, the mode of compensation so 
strenuously urged in the enclosures, I am more and more 
confirmed in the sentiment ; and if in the wrong, suffer me 
to please myself with the grateful delusion. 

" For, if, beside the simple payment of their wages, a 
farther compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacri- 
fices of the officers, then have I been mistaken indeed. If 
the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people 
can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and 
built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should 
not, in the event, perform every thing which has been re- 
quested in the late memorial to congress, then will my be- 
lief become vain, and the hope that has been excited, void 
of foundation. — And if, as has been suggested for the pur- 
pose of inflaming their passions, the officers of the army are 
to be the only sufferers by this revolution ; if, retiring from 

M 



134 THE LIFE OF 

the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and 
contempt ; if they are to wade through the vile mire of de- 
pendency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to 
charity, which had hitherto been spent in honour; then, 
shall I have learned what ingratitude is; then, shall I have 
realized a tale, which will embitter every moment of my fu- 
ture life. 

"But I am under no such apprehensions; a country 
rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave 
unpaid the debt of gratitude. 

" Should any intemperate or improper warmth have min- 
gled itself amongst the foregoing observations, I must en- 
treat your excellency and congress, it may be attributed to 
the effusion of an honest zeal in the best of causes, and that 
my peculiar situation may be my apology ; and I hope I 
need not on this momentous occasion make any new pro- 
testations of personal disinterestedness, having ever re- 
nounced for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The 
consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge my 
duty, and the approbation of my country, will be a sufficient 
recompense for my services. 

" I have the honour to be, (fee. <fcc. 

"GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

" His Excellency the President in Congress." 

This energetic letter, connected with recent events, in- 
duced congress to decide on the claims of the army. These 
were liquidated, and the amount acknowledged to be due 
from the United States. 

Soon after these events, intelligence of a general peace 
was received. The reduction of the army was therefore re- 
solved upon, but the mode of ejecting it required delibera- 
tion. To avoid the inconveniencies of dismissing a great 
number of soldiers in a body, furloughs were freely granted 
on the application of individuals ; and, after their dispersion, 
they were not enjoined to return. By this arrangement, a 
critical moment was passed over. A great part of an un- 
paid arm.y was dispersed over the states, without tumult or 
disorder. 

While the veterans, serving under the immediate eye of 
their beloved commander-in-chief, manifested the utmost 



GEOHGE WASIENGTON. 135 

good temper and conduct, a mutinous disposition broke out 
amonorst some new levies stationed at Lancaster, in Pennsyl- 
vania, About eighty of this description marched in a body- 
to Philadelpliia, where they, were joined by some other 
troops, so as to amount in the wliole to three hundred. They 
marched with fixed bayonets to the state-house, in which 
congress and the st^e executive council held their sessions. 
They placed guards at every door, and threatened the presi- 
dent and council to let loose an enraged soldiery upon them, 
unless they granted their demands in twenty minutes. — As 
soon as this outrage was known to Washington, he detached 
general Howe, with a competent force, to suppress the mu- 
tiny. This was effected, without bloodshed, before his ar- 
rival. The mutineers were too inconsiderable to commit ex- 
tensive mischief; but their disgraceful conduct excited the 
greatest indignation in the breast of the commander-in-chief, 
which was expressed in a letter to the president of congress 
in the following words : " While I suffer the most poignant 
distress in observing that a handful of men, contemptible in 
numbers, and equally so in point of service, if the veteran 
troops from the southward have not been seduced by their 
example, and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, 
should disgrace themselves and their country as the Penn- 
sylvania mutineers have done, by insulting the sovereign 
authority of the United States, and that of their own, I feel 
an inexpressible satisfaction, that even this behaviour cannot 
stain the name of the American soldiery. — It cannot be im- 
putable to, or reflect dishonour on, the army at large ; but on 
the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast it exhibits, 
hold up to public view the other troops in the most advan- 
tageous point of light. Upon taking all the circumstances 
into consideration, I cannot sufficiently express my surprise 
and indignation, at the arrogance, the folly, and the wicked- 
ness, of the mutineers ; nor can I sufficiently admire the 
fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism, which must for ever 
signalize the unsullied character of the other corps of our 
army. — For when we consider that these Pennsylvania 
levies, who have now mutinied, are recruits and soldiers of 
a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of the war, 
and who can have in reality very few hardships to complain 
of; and when we at the same time recollect that those 



136 • THE LIFE OF 

soldiers who have hately been furloiighed flt'om this army^ 
are the veterans who have patiently endured hunger, naked- 
ness, and cohi ; who have suffered and bled without a 
murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired tO' 
their homes without a settlement of their accounts, or a far- 
thing of money in their pockets; we sliall be as much as- 
tonished at the virtues of the latter, asH^^e are struck vv'ith 
detestation at the proceedings of the former." 

While arrangements were making. for the final dismission 
of the army. General Washington was looking forward with 
anxiety to the future destinies of the United States. Much 
of his attention was devoted to a serious consideration of 
such establishments as the independence of his country re- 
quired. On these subjects, he freely communicated with 
congress, and recommended that great diligence should be 
used in forming a well regulated and disciplined militia 
during peace, as the best means for securing the future tran- 
quillity and respectability of the nation. He also addressed 
the following circular letter to the governors of the several 
states. 

^^ Head- Quarters, Newburg, Jujie 18, 1783. 
<•<■ SiRj — The object for which I had the honour to hold 
an appointment in the service of my country, being accom- 
plished, I am now preparing to resign it into the hands of 
congress, and return to that domestic retirement, which it is^ 
well known I left with the greatest reluctance ; a retirement 
for which I have never ceased to sigh through a long and 
painful absence, in which, remote from the noise and trouble 
of the world, I meditate to pass the remainder of life, in a 
state of undisturbed repose ; but, before I carry this resolu- 
tion into effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make 
this my last official communication, to congratulate you on 
the glorious events which Heaven has been pleased to pro- 
duce in our favour ; to offer my sentiments respecting some 
important subjects, which appear to me to be intimately con- 
nected with the tranquillity of the United States ; to take 
ray leave of your excellency as a public character, and to 
give my final blessings to that country, in whose service I 
have spent the prime of my life ; for whose sake, I have 
consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 137 

whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always 
constitute no inconsiderable part of my own. 

" Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing 
occasion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more 
copiously on the subject of our mutual felicitation. When 
we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, 
the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favourable man- 
ner in Mdiich it has terminated, we shall find the greatest 
possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme 
that Avill afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal 
mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as a 
source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future hap- 
piness ; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate our- 
selves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether 
we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light. 

'' The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable 
condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of 
continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates 
of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and con- 
veniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacifica- 
tion, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and 
independency ; they are from this period to be considered as 
the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be 
peculiarly designed by Providence for the display of human 
greatness and felicity. Here, they are not only surrounded 
with every thing that can contribute to the completion of 
private and domestic enjoyment; but Heaven has crowned 
all its other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for po- 
litical happiness, than any other nation has ever been favour- 
ed with. — Nothing can illustrate these observations more 
forcibly, than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of 
times and circumstances, under which our republic assumed 
its rank among the nations. The foundation of our empire 
was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, 
but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were better un- 
derstood and more clearly defined, than at any former period. 
Researches of human mind after social happiness, have been 
carried to a great extent ; the treasures of knowledge ac- 
quired by the labours of philosophers, sages, and legislators, 
through a long succession of years, are laid open for us, 
and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the 

31 2 



138 THE LIFE OF 

establishment of our forms of government.— -The free culti- 
vation of letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the 
progressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of 
sentiment ; and, above all, the pure and benign light of reve- 
lation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and in- 
creased the blessings of society. At this auspicious period, 
the United States came into existence as a nation ; and if 
their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the 
fault will be entirely their own. 

*' Such is our situation, and such are our prospects. But, 
notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to 
us ; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposi- 
tion to seize the occasion, and make it our own ; yet it ap- 
pears to me there is an option still left to the United States 
of America, whether they will be respectable and prosper- 
ous, or contemptible and miserable, as a nation. This is the 
time of their political probation ; this is the moment when 
the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them ; this is 
the time to establish or ruin their national character for ever ; 
this is the favourable moment to give such a tone to the federal 
government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its in- 
stitution ; or, this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing 
the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the con- 
federation, and exposing us to become the sport of European 
politics, which may play one state against another, lo prevent 
their growing importance, and to serve their own interested 
purposes. For, according to the system of policy the states 
shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall ; and, by 
their conformation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether 
the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing, or 
a curse ; a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for, 
with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. 

" With this conviction of the importance of the present 
crisis, silence in me would be a crime; I will, therefore, 
speak to your excellency tlie language of freedom and sin- 
cerity, without disguise. 1 am aware, however, those who 
differ from me in political sentiments, may, perhaps, remark, 
I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty ; and they 
may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I 
know is alone the result of the purest intention. — But the 
rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 139 

motives ; the part I have hitherto acted in life ; the deter- 
jnination I have formed of not taking- any share in public 
business hereafter ; the ardent desire I feel, and shall con- 
tinue to manifest, of quiedy enjoying in private life, after all 
the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal govern- 
ment, will, I flatter myself, sooner or later, convince my 
countrymen that I could have no sinister views in delivering, 
with so little reserve, the opinions contained in. this address. 

" There are four things which I humbly conceive are es- 
sential to the well being, I may even venture to say, to the 
existence, of the United States as an independent power. 

" 1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one federal 
head. 

" 2dly. A sacred regard to public justice. 

*' 3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment. 
And, 

" 4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly dis- 
position among the people of the United States, which will 
induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies ; to 
make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the 
general prosperity ; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their 
individual advantages to the interest of the community. 

" These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our 
independency and national character must be supported. 
Liberty is the basis ; and whoever would dare to sap the 
foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever spe- 
cious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest ex- 
ecration, and the severest punishment, which can be inflicted 
by his injured country. 

" On the three first articles, I will make a few observa- 
tions ; leaving the last to the good sense and serious consider- 
ation of those immediately concerned. 

" Under the first head, although it may not be necessary 
or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular dis- 
quisition of the principles of the union, and to take up the 
great question which has been frequently agitated, whether 
it be expedient and requisite for the states to delegate a 
larger proportion of power to congress or not ; yet it will be 
a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert, 
without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions : — 
That unless the states will suller congress to exercise those 



140 THE LIFE OF 

prerogatives tliey are undoubtedly invested with by the con- 
stitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and 
confusion ; that it is indispensable to the happiness of the 
individual states, that there should be lodged, somewhere, a 
supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns 
of the confederated republic, without which the union cannot 
be of'long duration ; that there must be a faithful and pointed 
compliance on the part of every state with the late proposals 
and demands of congress, or the most fatal consequences 
will ensue, that whatever measures have a tendency to dis- 
solve the union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sove- 
reign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the liber- 
ty and independency of America, and the authors of them 
treated accordingly. — And lastly, that unless we can be ena- 
bled, by the concurrence of the states, to participate in the 
fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of 
civil society, under a form of (Government so free and uncor- 
rupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, 
as has been devised and adopted by the articles of confedera- 
tion, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and 
treasure have been lavished for no purpose, and so many suf- 
ferings have been encountered without a compensation, and 
that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other 
considerations might here be adduced, to prove, that, without 
an entire conformity to the spirit of the union, we cannot ex- 
ist as an independent power. — It will be suflicient for my pur- 
pose, to mention but one or two, which seem to me of the 
greatest importance. It is only in our united character as an 
empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our 
power can be regarded, or our credit supported among foreign 
nations. The treaties of the European powers with the 
United States of America, will have no validity on a dissolu- 
tion of the union. We shall be left nearly in a state of na- 
ture ; or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that 
there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme 
of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny ; and that arbitrary 
power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused 
to licentiousness. 

"As to the second article, which respects the performance 
of public justice, congress have, in their late address to the 
United States, almost exhausted the subject; they have ex- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 141 

plained their ideas so fully, and liave enforced the obligations 
the states are under to render complete justice to all the 
public creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in 
my opinion, no real friend to the honour and independency 
of America can hesitate a single moment, respecting the pro- 
priety of complying with the just and honourable measures 
proposed. — If their arguments do not produce conviction, I 
know of nothing that will have greater influence, especially 
when we reflect that the system referred to, being tiie result 
of the collected wisdom of the continent, m.ust be esteemed, 
if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that 
could be devised ; and that, if it should not be carried into 
immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its de- 
plorable consequences, will take place, before any different 
plan can possibly be proposed or adopted ; so pressing are 
the present circumstances, and such is the alternative now of- 
fered to the states. 

" The ability of the country to discharge the debts which 
have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted; and 
inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting. The path 
of our duty is plain before us ; honesty ivill be found, on 
every experiment, to be the best and only true policy. Let 
us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public contracts 
which congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the pur- 
pose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we 
suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. 
In the mean time, let an attention to the cheerful performance 
of their proper business, as individuals, and as members of 
society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America ; 
then, will they strengthen the bands of government, and be 
happy under its protection. Every one will reap the fruit 
of his labours ; every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, 
without molestation and without danger. 

" In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, 
who will grudge to yield a very little of his property, to sup- 
port the common interests of society, and ensure the pro- 
tection of government ? Who does not remember the frequent 
declarations at the commencement of the war, that we should 
be completely satisfied, if, at the expense of one half, we 
could defend the remainder of our possessions ? Where is 
the man to be fourid, who wishes to remain in debt, fof the- 



142 THE LIFE OF 

defence of his own person and property, to the exertions, 
the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one 
generous effort to pay the debt of honour and of gratitude ? — 
In what part of the continent, shall we find any man, or body 
of men, who would not blush to stand up and propose mea- 
sures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, 
and the public creditor of his due ? And were it possible 
that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, 
would it not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring 
down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated 
vengeance of Heaven? — If, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a 
temper of obstinacy and perverseness, should manifest itseli 
in any of the states ; if such an ungracious disposilior. 
should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that migh* 
be expected to flow from the union ; if there should be a re- 
fusal to comply with requisitions for funds to discharge the 
annual interest of the public debts ; and if that refusal should 
revive all those jealousies, and produce all those evils, which 
are now happily removed, congress, who have in all their 
transactions shown a great degree of magnanimity and jus- 
tice, will stand justified in the sight of God and man ! and 
that state alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggre- 
gate wisdom of the continent, and follov/s such mistaken and 
pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the conse- 
quences. 

" For my own part, conscious of having acted, while a 
servant of the public, in the manner I conceived best suited 
to promote the real interests of my country ; having, in con- 
sequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged my- 
self to the army, that then' country would finally do them 
complete and ample justice ; and not wishing to conceal any 
instances of my oflicial conduct from the eyes of the world ; 
I have thought proper to transmit to your excellency the en- 
closed collection of papers, relative to the half-pay and com- 
mutation granted by congress, to the oflicers of the army. — 
From these communications, my decided sentiment will be 
clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons 
which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the 
adoption of this measure in the most earnest and serious 
manner. As the proceedings of congress, the army, and 
myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, suf- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143 

ficient information to remove the prejudices and errors which 
may have been entertained by any, I think it unnecessary to 
say any thing more, than just to observe, that the resohitions 
of congress, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and abso- 
lutely binding upon the United States, as the most solemn 
acts of confederation or legislation. 

*' As the idea, which, I am informed, has in some in- 
stances prevailed, that the half pay and commutation are to 
be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought 
to be exploded for ever ; that provision should be viewed, 
a& it really was, a reasonable compensation offered by con- 
gress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to of- 
ficers of the army, for services then to be performed. It was 
the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service. 
It was a part of their hire ; I may be allowed to say, it was 
the price of their blood, and of your independency. It is, 
therefore, more than a common debt; it is a debt of honour; 
it can never be considered as a pension, or gratuity, nor can- 
celled until it is fairly discharged. 

" With regard to the distinction between officers and 
"soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every 
nation of the world combined with our own, proves the 
utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards in 
proportion to the aid the public draws from them, are un- 
questionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the 
soldiers have, perhaps, generally, had as ample a compensa- 
tion for their services, by the large bounties which have 
been paid them, as their officers will receive in the proposed 
commutation ; in others, if, beside the donation of land, the 
payment of arrearages of clothing and wages, in which ar- 
ticles, all the component parts of the army must be put upon 
the same footing, we take into the estimate the bounties 
many of the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one 
year's full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their situa- 
tion, every circumstance being duly considered, will not be 
deemed less eligible than that of the officers. — Should a 
farther reward, however, be judged equitable, I will venture 
to assert, no man will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself, 
in an exemption from taxes for a limited time, which has 
been petitioned for in some instances ; or any other adequate 
immunity or compensation granted to the brave defenders of 



144 THE LIFE OP 

their country's cause. But neither the adoption or rejection 
of this proposition, will, in any manner, affect, much less 
militate against the act of congress, by which they have of- 
fered five years full pay, in lieu of the half pay for life, which 
had been before promised to the officers of the army. 

" Before I conclude the subject on public justice, I cannot 
omit to mention the obligations this country is under to that 
meritorious class of veterans, the non-commissioned officers 
and privates, who have been discharged for inability, in con- 
sequence of the resolution of congress, of the 2.3d of April, 
1782, on an annual pension for life. Their pecvdiar suffer- 
ings, their singular merits and claims to that provision, need 
only to be known; to interest the feelings of humanity in 
their behalf. — Nothing but a punctual payment of their an- 
nual allowance, can rescue them from the most complicated 
misery ; and nothing could be a more melancholy and dis- 
tressingr sight, than to behold those who have shed their 
blood, or lost their limbs in the service of their country, 
without a shelter, without a friend, and without the means 
of obtaining any of the comforts or necessaries of life, com- 
pelled to beg their bread daily from door to door. Suffer 
me to recommend those of this description belonging to your 
state, to the warmest patronage of your excellency and your 
legislature. 

" It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic; 
which was proposed, and which regards particularly the de- 
fence of the republic ; as there can be little doubt but con- 
gress will recommend a proper peace-establishment for 
the United States, in which a due attention will be paid to 
the importance of placing the militia of the union upon a 
regular and respectable footing. If this should be the case, 
I should beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the 
strongest terms. 

" The militia of this country must be considered as the 
palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in 
case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that the same 
system should pervade the whole ; that the formation and 
discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely 
uniform ; and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, 
and military apparatus, should be introduced in every part of 
the United States. No one, who has not learned it from ex- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 145 

perience, can conceive the difRculty, expense, and confusion, 
which result from a contrary system, or the vague arrange- 
ments which have hitherto prevailed. 

*' If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than 
usual has been taken in the course of the address, the im- 
portance of the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in 
discussion, must be my apology. It is, however, neither 
my wish nor expectation, that the preceding observations 
should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear 
to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immuta- 
•ble rules of justice ; calculated to produce a liberal system 
of pcticy, and founded on whatever experience may have 
been acquired, by a long and close attention to public busi- 
ness. — Here, I might speak with more confidence, from my 
actual observations ; and, if it would not swell this letter, 
already too prolix, beyond the bounds I had prescribed my- 
self, 1 could demonstrate to every mind, open to conviction, 
that in less time, and with much less expense than has been 
incurred, the war might have been brought to the same hap- 
py conclusion, if the resources of the continent could have 
been properly called forth ; that the distresses and disap- 
pointments which have very often occurred, have, in too 
many instances, resulted more from a want of energy in the 
continental government, than a deficiency of means in the 
particular states ; that the inefhcacy of the measures, arising 
from the want of an adequate authority in the supreme 
power, from a partial compliance with the requisitions of 
congress, in some of the states, and from a failure of punc- 
tuality in others, while they tended to damp the zeal of those 
who were more willing to exert themselves, served also to 
accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best 
concerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by 
the complicated difficulties and embarrassments, in which 
our affairs were by this means involved, would have long 
ago produced the dissolution of any army, less patient, less 
virtuous, and less persevering, than that which I have had 
the honour to command.— But, while I mention those things 
which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal con- 
stitution, particularly in the prosecution of a war, I beg it 
may be understood, that, as I have ever taken a pleasure in 
gratefully ackuowledging the assistance and support I hc"e 

N 



I46 THE LIFE O:^ 

derived from every class of citizens ; so shall I always T)e 
happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the in- 
dividual states, on many interesting occasions. 

" I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make 
known, before I surrendered up my public trust to those who 
committed it to me. The task is now accomplished ; I now 
bid adieu to your excellency, as the chief magistrate of your 
state, at the same time, I bid a last farewell to the cares of 
office, and all the employments of public life. 

" It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that 
your excellency will communicate these sentiments to your 
legislature, at their next meeting ; and that they may be 
considered as the legacy of one who has ardently wished, 
on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who, even 
in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the divine 
benediction upon it. 

" I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have 
you, and the state over which you preside, in his holy protec- 
tion ; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cul- 
tivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to govern- 
ment; to entertain a brotherly affection and lovg for one 
another ; for their fellow-citizens of the United States at 
large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in 
the field ; and, finally, that he would most graciously be 
pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and 
to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific 
temper of the mind, which were the characteristics of the 
divine author of our blessed religion ; without an humble 
imitation of whose example, in these things,' we can never 
hope to be a happy nation. 

" I have the honour to be, , 

" with much esteem and respect, 

" Sir, your excellency's most obedient, 
*' and most humble servant, 

*' GEORGE WASHINGTON." 

The second of November was fixed for discharging that 
part of the army which was engaged to serve during the 
war. On that day. General Washington issued his farewell 
orders to the armies of the United States, in the most en- 
dearing lang-uage. After giving them his advice respecting 



GEORGE WASIILNGTON. 147 

tlieir future conduct, and imploring the choicest of heaven's 
blessings in their favour, he bade them an affectionate fare- 
well. 

On the 25th of the same month, the British evacuated 
New York, and General Washington made his public entry 
into that city, where he was received With every mark of 
respect and attention. 

The hour now approached, in which it became necessary 
for the American chief to take leave of his officers who had 
been endeared to him by a long series of common sufferings 
and dangers. This was done in a solemn manner. The 
officers having previously assembled for the purpose. 
General Washington joined them, and calling for a glass 
of wine, thus addressed them ; " With a heart full of love 
and gratitude, I now take my leave of you. I most devoutly 
wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, 
as your former have been glorious and honourable." — 
Having drunk, he added, " I cannot come to each of you, 
to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each of you 
will come and take me by the hand." General Knox being 
next, he turned to him. Incapable of utterance, Washing- 
ton grasped his hand, and embraced him. The officers ap- 
proached successively, and he took an affectionate leave of 
each. Not a word was uttered, on either side. A majestic 
silence prevailed. The tear of sensibility glistened in every 
eye. The tenderness of the scene exceeded all description. 
When the last of the officers had taken his leave, Washing- 
ton left the room, and passed through the corps of light in- 
fantry, to the place of embarkation. — The officers followed 
in a solemn, mute procession, and with dejected coun- 
tenances. On his entering the barge to cross the North 
River, he turned towards the companions of his glory, and, by 
waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. Some answered 
this last signal of respect and affection, with tears ; and all 
'fixed their eyes upon the barge which conveyed him from 
their sight, until they could no longer distinguish in it the 
person of their beloved commander-in-chief. 

The army being disbanded, Washington proceeded to An- 
napolis, then the seat of congress, to resign his commission. 
On his way thither, he delivered to the comptroller of ac- 
iCOunts in Philadelphia, an account of the expenditure of all 



148 THE LIFE OF 

the public money that he liad ever received. This was in 
liis own hand-wrilinff ; and every entry was made in a very 
particular manner. Vouchers were produced for every item, 
except for secret intelligence, and service, which amounted 
to no more than 1,982/. 10s. sterling. The whole, which 
in the course of eight years of war, had passed through his 
liands, amounted only to 14,479/. I8s. 9(L sterling. Nothing 
was charged for personal services ; and actual disbursements 
had been managed with such economy and fidelity, that 
they were all included in the above moderate sum. 

After accounting for all his expenditures of public money, 
(secret-service-money, for obvious reasons, excepted,) with 
all the exactness which established forms required from the 
inferior officers of his army, he hastened to resign into the 
hands of the fathers of his country, the powers with which 
they had invested him. This was done in a public audience. 
Congress received him as the founder and guardian of the 
republic. While he appeared before them, they silently re- 
traced the scenes of danger and distress through which they 
had passed together. They recalled to mind the blessings 
of freedom and peace, purchased by his arm. They gazed with 
wonder on their fellow-citizen, who appeared more great 
and worthy of esteem in resigning his power, than he had 
done in gloriously using it. — Every heart swelled with emo- 
tion. Tears of admiration and gratitude burst from every 
eye. The general sympathy was felt by the resigning hero, 
and wet his cheek with a manly tear. After a decent pause, 
he addressed Mr. Thomas Mifflin, the president of congress 
in the following words : 

" Mr. President, — The great events on which my re- 
signation depended, having at length taken place, I have now 
the honour of offering my sincere congratulations to con- 
gress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender 
into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the 
indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. 

" Happy, in the confirmation of our independence and 
sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the 
United States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with 
satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence ; a 
diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a ta^k, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 149 

which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rec- 
titude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the 
union, and the patronage of Heaven. 

*' The successful termination of the war, has verified the 
most sanguine expectations ; and my gratitude for the inter- 
position of Providence, and the assistance I have received 
from my countrymen, increases with every review of the 
momentous contest. 

" While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, 
I should do injustice to my own feelings, not to acknowledge, 
in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits 
of the persons who have been attached to my person during 
the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential of- 
ficers to compose my family, should have been more fortu- 
nate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, those 
who have continued in the service to the present moment, 
as worthy of the favourable notice and patronage of congress. 

" I consider it as an indispensable duty, to close this last 
solemn act of my official life, by commending the interests 
of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, 
and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy 
keeping. 

" Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire 
from the great theatre of action ; and, bidding an affectionate 
farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have long 
acted, I here ofl*er my commission, and take my leave of all. 
the employments of public life."* 

* The commission now returned to congress, had neen received from them 
shortly after the commencement of hostilities. It was accompanied by a 
unanimous resolution of the delegates of the United Colonies, " That they 
would maintain, assisr, and adhere, to George Washington, with their lives 
and fortunes, in the cause of American liberty." The commission, drawn by 
a special committee, was in the following words : 

" The delegates of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts- 
Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the 
counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware ; Maryland, Virginia, 
North Carolina, and South Carolina, 

"TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, ESQ. 

•< We, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, valour, con- 
duct, and fidelity, do by these presents constitute and appoint you to be Gene- 
ral, and Commander-in-chiefof thearmyof the United Colonies, and of all the 
forces now raised or to be raised by them, and of all others who shall volun- 
tarily offer their service and join the said army, for the defence of American 

n2 



150 THE LIFE OF 

This address being ended, General Washington advanced 
and delivered his commission into the hands of the president 
of congress, who replied as follows : 

*' The United States in congress assembled, receive with 
emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation 
of the authorities under which you have led their troops with 
success, through a perilous and doubtful war. 

** Called upon by your country'- to defend its invaded rights, 
you accepted the sacred charge before it had formed alliances, 
and whilst it was without friends or a government to sup- 
port you. 

liberty, and for repelling everj'- hostile invasion thereof; and you are hereby 
vested with full power and authority, to act as you shall ihink for the good 
and welfare of the service. 

" And we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers un- 
der your command, to be obedient to your orders, and diligent in the exercise 
of their several duties. 

" And we do also enjoin and require you to be careful in exercising the 
great trust reposed in you, by causing strict discipline and oi-der to be observed 
in the army, and that the soldiers be duly exercised and provided with all 
convenient necessaries. 

"And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the rules and 
discipline of war, as herewith given you, and punctually to observe and follow 
such orders and directions from time to time, as you shall receive from this, or 
a future Congress of these United Colonics, or committee of Congress. 

" This commission to continue in force, until revoked by this, or a future 
Congress. 

(Signed) " Peyton Randolph, President 
(Attest) " Charles Thomson, Secretary 
^' June 17th. 1775." 

At the time thjs commission was accepted, the United Colonies had no 
assurance of foreign assistance, and were without established government, 
arms, magazines, Ibrts, money, trade, navy, disciplined troojis, or experienced 
officers. 

At the same time, they were denounced by their sovereign, as in a stale of 
rebellion. Washington, by accepting the command of their armies, not only 
subjected one of the largest estates in America to confiscation, but hazarded 
his life. The diffidence avowed by him on the occasion, was not the common 
cant of successful candidates for promotion, nor did it arise from apprehensions 
of personal danger; but was the offspring of excessive modesty. — Though 
willing to risk every thing in the contest, he really distrusted his ability to 
contend in regular war, with the experienced generals of Britain. The doubts 
and fears which for some time kept him in suspense, at length yielded to a 
conviction of duty, and the earnest invitation of friends, who appreciated his 
talents more correctly than he did himself — On the event of his declining the 
high commission, as was for some time expected, it was privately resolved to 
confer it on general Ward, of iVIassachusetts. What would have been the is- 
sue of the military opposition of America, conducted by that much esteemed 
officer, no one can tell ; but, without invidious comparison, it may be safely 
affirmed, that it could not have been more successful than under the ausjiLces 
of Washington. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 151 

" You have conducted the great military contest with 
wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the 
■civil power through all disasters and changes. You have, by 
the love and confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them 
to display their martial genius, and transmit their fame to 
posterity; you have persevered, till these United States, 
aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have been ena- 
bled, under a just Providence, to close the war in safety, 
freedom, and independence, on which happy event we sin- 
cerely join you in congratulations. 

" Having defended the standard of liberty^ in this new 
world ; having taught a lesson useful to tho.se who inflict, 
and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great 
theatre of action with the blessings of your fellow-citizens ; 
but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your 
military command ; it will continue to animate remotest 
ages. We feel with you our obligations to the army in 
general, and will particularly charge ourselves with the in- 
terests of those confidential officers who have attended your 
person to this affecting moment. 

" We join you in commending the interests of our dearest 
-country to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching him 
to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve 
the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and re- 
spectable nation; and for you we address to him our earnest 
prayers, that a life so beloved, may be fostered with all his 
care ; that your days may be happy as they have been illus- 
trious, and that he will finally give you that reward which 
this world cannot give." 

The military services of General Washington which ended 
with this interesting day, were as great as ever were render- 
ed by any man to any nation. They were at the same time 
-disinterested. How dear would not a mercenary man have 
sold such toils, such dangers, and above all, such successes? 
What schemes of grandeur and of power would not an am- 
bitious man have built upon the affections of the people and 
of the army ? The gratitude of America was so lively, that 
any thing asked by her resigning chief, would have been 
readily granted. — He asked nothing for himself, his family, 
-or relations ; but indirectly solicited favours for the con- 
}fidential officers who were attached to his person. These 



152 THE LIFE OF 

were young gentlemen without fortune, who had served him 
in the capacity of aids-de-camp. To have omitted the op- 
portunity which then offered, of recommending them to their 
country's notice, would have argued a degree of insensibility 
in the breast of their friend. The only privilege distinguish- 
ing him from other private citizens, which the retiring 
Washington did or would receive from his grateful coun- 
try, was a right of sending and receiving letters free of post- 
age, y 

The American chief, having, by his own voluntary act, 
become one of the people, hastened, with ineffable delight, 
to his seat at Mount Vernon, on the banks of the Potomac. 
There, in a short time, the most successful general in the 
world, became the most diligent farmer in Virginia. 

To pass suddenly from the toils of the first commission 
in the United States to the care of a farm ; to exchange the in- 
struments of war, for the implements of husbandry, and to be- 
come at once the patron and example of ingenious agriculture ; 
would, to most men, have been a difficult task. But to the 
elevated mind of Washington, it was natural and delightful. 
From this example, let the commanders of armies learn, 
that the fame which is acquired by the sword, without guilt 
or ambition, may be preserved without power or splendour 
in private life. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153 



CHAPTER X. 

General JVashington, on retiring from public life, devotes 
himself to agricultural pursuits. Favours inland naviga- 
tion. Declines offered emoluments from it. Urges an 
alteration of the fundamental rides of the society of the 
Cincinnati. Regrets the defects of the federal system, 
and recommends a revisal of it. Is appointed a member 
of the continental convention for that purpose, which, 

' appointment, after hesitation, he accepts. Is chosen pre- 
sident thereof. Is solicited to accept the presidency of the 
United States. Writes sundry letters, expressive of the 
conflict in his mind, betiveen duty and inclination. An- 
swers applications for offices. His reluctance to enter on 
public life. 

The sensations of Washington, on retiring" from public 
business, are thus expressed : " I feel as a wearied traveller 
must do, who, after treading many a painful step with a 
heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having 
reached the haven to which all the former were directed, 
and from his house-top is looking back, and tracing with an 
eagle eye, the meanders by which he escaped the quick- 
sands and mires which lay in his way, and into which none 
but the All Powerful Guide and Dispenser of human events 
could have prevented his falling. 

"I have become a private citizen on the banks of the Po- 
tomac, and, under the shadow of m}'- own vine and my own 
fig-tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes, 
of public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil en- 
joyments, of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of 
fame ; the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless 
nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare 
of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this 
globe was insufficient for us all; and the courtier, who is 
always watching the countenance of his prince, in the hope 
of catching a gracious smile ; can have very little concep- 
tion. — I have not only retired from all public employments, 
but am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view thQ 



154 THE LIFE OF 

solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with heart- 
felt satisfaction. Envious of none, 1 am determined to be 
pleased with all ; and tliis, my dear friend, bein^ the order 
of my march, 1 will move gently down the stream of life, 
nntil I sleep with my fathers." 

Agriculture, which had always been the favourite employ- 
ment of Washington, was now resumed with increasing de- *i 
light. The energies of his active mind were devoted to tijis } 
first and most useful art. ' No improvements in the con- i 
struction of farming utensils, no valuable experiments in ■ 

husbandry, escaped his attention. He saw with regret 
the miserable system of cultivation which prevailed too 
generally in his native country, and wished to introduce a 
better. With this view, he engaged in a correspondence 
with some of tlie distinguished agriculturists in Great Britain, ', 
particularly the celebrated Arthur Young. — He traced the ^ 
diflerent states of agriculture in the two countries, in a great « 
degree to the following obvious principles. In Great Britain, ' 
land was dear, and labour cheap. In America, the reverse 
existed, to such a degree, that the manuring of land was 
comparatively neglected, on the mistaken, short-sighted idea, 
that it was cheaper to clear and cultivate new fields, than to 
improve and repair such as were old. To this radical error, 
which led to idleness and a vagabond dispersed population, 
he opposed the whole weight of his influence. His ex- 
ample and recommendations tended to revolutionize the 
agriculture of his country, as his valour had revolutionized 
its government. 

The extension of inland navigation occupied much of 
Washington's attention, at this period of exemption from pubr 
lie cares. Soon after peace was proclaimed, he made a tour 
as far west as Pittsburg, and also traversed the western parts 
of New England and New York, and examined for himself 
the difficulties of bringing the trade of the west to diflerent 
points of the Atlantic. Possessed of an accurate knowledge of 
the subject, he corresponded with the governors of diflerent 
states, and other influential characters. — To them, lie sug- 
gested the propriety of making, by public authority, an ap- 
pointment of commissioners of integrity and ability, whose 
duty it should be, after accurate examination, to ascertain 
?.Ue nearest and best portages between such' of the caslerii 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 166 

and western rivers as headed near to each other, though they 
ran in opposite directions ; and also to trace the rivers west 
of the Ohio to their sources and mouths, as they respectively 
emptied either into the Ohio, or the lakes of Canada, and to 
make an accurate map of the whole, with observations on 
the impediments to be overcome, and the advantages to be 
acquired on the completion of the work. 

The views of Washington, in advocating the extension of 
inland navigation, were grand and magnificent* He consid- 
ered it as an effectual means of cementing the union of the 
states. In a letter to the governor of Virginia, he observed, 
•* I need not remark to you, sir, that the flanks and rear of 
the United States are possessed by other powers, and formi- 
dable ones too ; nor need I press the necessity of applying 
the cement of interest to bind all parts of the union together 
by indissoluble bonds ; especially of binding that part of it 
which lies immediately west of us, to the middle states. — ■ 
For what tie, let me ask, should we have upon those peo- 
ple ; how entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and 
what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spaniards on 
the right, and Great Britain on their left, instead of throw- 
ing impediments in their way as they do now, should hold 
out lures for their trade and alliance? When they get 
strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive, 
what will be the consequence of their having formed close 
commercial connexions with both or either of those powers ? 
It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to fore- 
tell." — After stating the same thing to a member of congress, 
he proceeds, "It may be asked, how we are to prevent this? 
Happily for us, the way is plain. Our immediate interest, 
as well as remote political advantages, point to it; whilst a 
combination of circumstances render the present time more 
favourable than any other, to accomplish it. Extend the in- 
land navigation of the eastern waters ; communicate them as 
near as possible with those which run westward ; open these 
to the Ohio ; open also such as extend from Ohio towards 
Lake Erie; and we shall not only draw the produce of the 
western settlers, but the peltry and fur trade of the lakes also, 
to our ports ; thus adding an immense increj-.^e to our ex- 
ports, and binding those people to us by a chain which never 
can be broken,*' 



156 THE LIFE OP 

The Virginia legislature acted on the recommendation of 
General Washington, to the extent of his wishes ; and in 
consequence, works of the greatest utility have been nearly 
accomplished. They went one step farther, and, by a legis- 
lative act, vested in him, at the expense of the state, one 
hundred and fifty shares in the navigation of the rivers Po- 
tomac and James. — The act for this purpose was introduced 
with the following preamble : "Whereas it is the desire of 
the representatives of this commonwealth, to embrace every 
suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the unexampled 
merits of George Washington, Esq. toward his country; and 
it is their wish in particular that those great works for its 
improvement, which, both as springing from the liberty 
which he has been so instrumental in establishing, and has 
encouraged by his patronage, will be durable monuments of 
his glory, may be made monuments also of the gratitude of 
his country. Be it enacted," &c. 

To the friend who conveyed to Tv^ashington the first in- 
telligence of this bill, he replied; "It is not easy far me to 
decide, by which ^ray mind was most alTected upon the re- 
ceipt of your letter of the sixth instant, — surprise or grati- 
tude. Both were greater than I had words to express. The 
attention and good wishes which the assembly have evidenced 
by their act for vesting in me one hundred and fifty shares 
in the navigation of the rivers Potomac and James, is more 
than mere compliment. There is an unequivocal and sub- 
stantial meaning annexed. — But believe me, sir, no circum- 
stance has happened since I left the walks of public life, 
which has so much embarrassed me. On the one hand, I 
consider this act as a noble and unequivocal proof of the 
good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my country 
to serve me ; and I should be hurt, if, by declining the ac- 
ceptance of it, my refusal should be construed into disre- 
spect, or the smallest slight upon the generous intention of 
the legislature, or that an ostentatious display of disinterest- 
edness or public virtue was the source of refusal. On the 
other hand, it is really my wish to have my mind and my 
actions, which are the result of reflection, as free and in- 
dependent as the air, that I may bo more at liberty to ex- 
press my sentiments, and if necessary to suggest what may 
occur to me under the fullest conviction, that, although my 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 157 

judgment may be arraigned, there will be no suspicion that 
sinister motives had the smallest influence in the sugges- 
tion. — Not content then with the bare consciousness of my 
having, in all this navigation business, acted upon the clear- 
est conviction of the political importance of the measure, I 
would wish that every individual who may hear that it was a 
favourite plan of mine, may know also that I had no other 
motive for promoting it than the advantage of which I con- 
ceived it would be productive to the union at large, and to 
this state in particular, by cementing the eastern and western 
territory together, at the same time, tliat it will give vigour 
to, and increase our commerce, and be a convenience to our 
citizens. 

*' How would this matter be viewed, then, by the eye of 
the world, and what opinion would be formed, when it comes 

to be related that G W n exerted himself 

to effect this work, and that G W n has 

received twenty thousand dollars, and five tliousajid pounds 
sterling of the public money, as an interest therein ? Would 
not this, if I am entitled to any merit for the part I have 
performed, and without it there is no foundation lor tlie act, 
deprive me of the principal thing which is laudable in my 
conduct? — Would it not in some respects be considered in 
the same light as a pension ? And would not the apprehen- 
sions of this induce me to offer my sentiments in future with 
the more reluctance ? In a word, under whatever pretence, 
and however customary tliese gratuities may be in other 
countries, should I not thenceforward be considered as a de- 
pendant? One moment's thought of wliich would give me 
more pain, than 1 should receive pleasure from the product 
of all the tolls, was every farthing of tliem vested in me." 

To the governor of the state, on receiving from him an of- 
ficial copy of the aforesaid act, Washington replied as follows : 

"Your excellency having been pleased to transmit me a 
copy of the act appropriating to my benefit certain s.hares in 
the companies for opening the navigation of James and J^oto- 
mac rivers ; I take the liberty of returning to the general as- 
sembly, ^through your hands, the profound and gralcfid ac- 
knowledgments inspired by so signal a mark of their benefi- 
cent intentions towards me. I beg you, sir, to assure them 
that I am fillfid on tliis occasion with every sentiment which 

O 



158 THE LIFE OF 

can floAV from a heart warm with love to my country, sensi- 
ble to every token of its approbation and affection, and soli- 
citous to testify in every instance a respectful submission to 
its wishes. 

" With these sentiments in my bosom, I need not dwell 
on the anxiety I feel, in being obliged, in this instance, to 
decline a favour which is rendered no less flattering by the 
manner in which it is conveyed, than it is affecrionate in it- 
self. In explaining this, I pass over a comparison of my en- 
deavours in the public service, with the many honourable tes' 
timonies of approbation which have already so far overrated 
and overpaid them ; reciting one consideration only, which 
supersedes the necessity of recurring to every other. 

" When I was first called to the station with which I was 
honoured during the late conflict for our liberties, to the dif- 
fidence which 1 had many reasons to feel in accepting it, I 
thought it my duty to join a firm resolution to shut my hand 
against every pecuniary recompense. To this resolution, I 
have invariably adhered, and from it, if I had the inclination, 
1 do not consider myself at liberty now to depart. 

" Whilst I repeat, therefore, my fervent acknowledgments 
to the legislature, for their very kind sentiments and inten- 
tions in my favour, and at the same time beg them to be per- 
suaded, that a remembrance of this singular proof of their 
goodness toward me v/ill never cease to cherish returns of 
the warmest affection and gratitude ; I must pray that their 
act, so far as it has for its object my personal emolument, 
may not have its eflect; but, if it should please the general 
assembly to permit me to turn the destination of the fund vest- 
ed in me, from my private emolument to objects of a public 
nature, it will be my study, in selecting these, to prove the 
sincerity of ray gratitude for the honour conferred upon me, 
by preferring such as may appear most subservient to the 
enlightened and patriotic views of the legislature." 

The wishes suggested in this letter, were sanctioned by the 
legislature ; and at a subsequent time the trust was executed 
by conveying the shares to the use of a seminary of learning 
in the vicinity of each river. 

Near the close of the revolutionary war, the officers of the 
American army, with a view of perpetuating their friend- 
ships, formed themselves into a society, to be named after 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 159 

the famous Roman patriot, Cinciiinatiis. At the head of their 
society, was placed General Washington. By the rules of 
their institution, the honours of the society were to be hered- 
itary in their respective families, and distinguished indivi- 
duals might be admitted as honorary members for life. These 
circumstances, together with the union of the officers of the 
army, gave an alarm to the community; several individuals 
of which supposed that the hereditary part of the institution 
would be a germ of nobility. — It was the usual policy of 
Washington to respect the opinions of the people, in matters 
indifferent, or of small magnitude, though he might think 
them mistaken. Having ascertained to his own satisfaction, 
that a degree of jealousy pervaded the mass of the people, 
respecting the probable tendency of this perpetual hereditary 
society, he successfully exerted his influence to new model 
its rules, by relinquishing the hereditary principle, and the 
power of adopting honorary members. The result proved 
the wisdom of the measure ; for jealousies of the society 
henceforward ceased, and its members were received as breth- 
ren by the most suspicious of their fellow-citizens. 

When Washington, at the close of the revolutionary war, 
became a private citizen, his country confidently anticipated 
every possible blessing from peace, independence, and self- 
government. But experience soon proved the inefhcacy of 
existing systems, for promoting national happiness, or pre- 
serving national dignity. Congress had neither the power 
nor the means of doing justice to public creditors, nor of en- 
forcing the respect of foreign nations. Gold and silver van- 
ished ; commerce languished ; property depreciated ; and 
credit expired. The lovers of liberty and independence be- 
gan to be less sanguine in their hopes from the American re- 
volution; and to fear that they had built a visionary fabric of 
government on the fallacious ideas of public virtue.— For the 
first five or six years immediately following peace, the splen- 
dour which surrounded the infant states from their successful 
struggle in the cause of independence and self-government, 
was daily darkening. This state of things could not be in- 
different to Washington. He was amongst the first to disco- 
ver the cause, and to point out the remedy. The inefficient 
support received by him while commander-in-chief, proved 
ithe inefficacy of the articles of confederation, for raising and 



160 THE LIFE OF 

supporting a requisite military force. The experience of the 
first years of peace, proved their total inadequacy for the 
purpose of national government. From want of vigour in the 
federal head, the United States were fast dwindling into se- 
parate sovereigmtiss, unconnected by any bond of union, 
equal to public exigency. — The private letters of Washing- 
ton at this time, show his anxiety for his country's welfare, 
and his wisdom in pointing out a remedy for its degradation. 
In one of them, he observes, " The confederation appears to 
me to be litde more than a shadow without the substance, 
and congress a nugatory body, their ordinances being little 
attended to. To me, it is solecism in politics ; indeed, it is 
one of the most extraordinary things in nature, tliat we 
should confederate as a nation, and yet be afraid to give the 
rulers of that nation, who are the creatures of our own mak- 
ing, appointed for a limited and short duration, and who are 
amenable for every action, recallable at any moment, and 
subject to all the evils which they may be instrumental in 
producing, sufficient powers to order and direct the affairs of 
the same. By such policy, the wheels of government are 
clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that high expecta- 
tion which was entertained of us by the wondering world, 
are turned into astonishment; and, from the high ground on 
which we stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion 
and darkness. 

" That we have it in our power to become one of the most 
respectable nations upon earth, admits, in my humble opin- 
ion, of no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, and 
liberal policy towards one another, and would keep good 
faith with the rest of the world. That our resources are am- 
ple and increasing, none can deny : but while they are grudg- 
ingly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab to 
public faith, and will sink in the eyes of Europe into con- 
teii^t. 

In another, " It is one of the evils of democratic govern- 
ments, that the people, not always seeing, and frequently mis- 
led, must often feel before they are set right. But evils of 
this nature seldom fail to Avork tlieir owji cure. It is to be 
lamented, nevertheless, that the remedies are so slow, and 
that those who wish to apply them seasonably, are not at- 
tended to before they suffer in person, in interest, and in re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 161 

putation. I am not without hopes that matters will soon take 
a favourable turn in the federal constitution. The discerning 
part of the community have long since seen the necessity of 
giving adequate powers to congress for national purposes, and 
those of a different description must yield to it ere long." 

In a letter to Mr. Jay, General Washington observed ; 
" Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a 
crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be, is also 
beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to cor- 
rect ; we have probably had too good an opinion of human 
nature in forming our confederation. Experience has taught 
us, that men will not adopt and carry into execution, mea- 
sures the best calculated for their own good, without the in- 
tervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we can 
subsist long as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power 
which will pervade the whole union in as energetic a manner, 
as the authority of the state governments extends over the 
several states. — To be fearful of investing congress, consti- 
tuted as that body is, with ample authorities for national pur- 
poses, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity 
and madness. Could congress exert them for the detriment 
of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or 
greater proportion ? Are not their interests inseparably con- 
nected with those of their constituents ? By the rotation of 
appointments, must they not mingle frequently with the mass 
of citizens ? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were 
possessed of the powders before described, that the individual 
members would be induced to use them on many occasions, 
very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popu- 
larity and future election ? — We must take human nature as 
we find it ; perfection falls not to the^ share of mortals. Many 
are of opinion that congress have too frequently made use 
of the suppliant humble tone of requisition, in applications 
to the states, when they had a right to assert their imperial 
dignity, and command obedience. Be that as it may, requi- 
sitions are a perfect nullity, where thirteen sovereign, inde- 
pendent, disunited states, are in the habit of discussing, and 
refusing or complying with them at their option. — Requisi- 
tions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word 
throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have 
violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of 
o2 



162 THE LIFE OF 

the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then 
is to be done ? Things cannot go on in the same train for 
ever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better 
kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, 
will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. 
We are apt to run from one extreme into another. To anti- 
cipate and prevent disastrous contingences, would be the part 
of wisdom and patriotism. 

" What astonishing changes are a few years capable of 
producing ! I am told that even respectable characters speak 
of a monarchical form of government, without horror. From 
thinking, proceeds speaking ; thence to acting is often but a 
single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! What a 
triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions ! What 
a triumph for the advocates of despotism, to find that we are 
incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded 
on the basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and fallacious ! 
Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to 
avert the consequences we have but too much reason to ap- 
prehend." " Retired as I am from the world, I frankly ac- 
knowledge, I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. 
Yet, having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, 
and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to 
embark again on a" sea of troubles." 

" Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opin- 
ions would have much weight on the minds of my country- 
men. They have been neglected, though given as a last le- 
gacy, in the most solemn manner. I had then, perhaps, 
some claims to public attentions. I consider myself as hav- 
ing none at present." 

lUuminatiou, on the subject of enlarging the powers of 
congress, was gradual. Washington, in his extensive corres- 
pondence and intercourse Mdth the leading characters of the 
different states, urged the necessity of a radical reform in the 
existing system of government. The business was at length 
seriously taken up, and a proposition was made by Virginia, 
for electing deputies to a general convention, for the sole 
purpose of revising the federal system of government. 

While this proposition was under consideration, an event 
occurred, which pointed out the propriety of its adoption. 
The pressure of evils, in a great degree resulting from the 



GEORGE WASfflNGTO?^^. 163 

imbecility of government, aided by erroneous opinions, which 
confound liberty with licentiousness, produced commotions in 
Massachusetts, which amounted to treason and rebellion. On 
this occasion, Washington expressed himself in a letter as 
follows; "The commotions and temper of numerous bodies 
in the eastern country, present a state of things equally to be 
lamented and deprecated. They exhibit a melancholy veri- 
fication of what our transatlantic foes have predicted, and of 
another thing, perhaps, which is still more to be regretted, 
and is yet more unaccountable, that mankind, when left to 
themselves, are unfit for their own government. — I am mor- 
tified, beyond expression, when I view the clouds which have 
spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon my 
country. In a word, I am lost in amazement, when I be- 
hold what intrigue the interested views of desperate charac- 
ters, ignorance and jealousy of the minor part, are capable 
of effecting, as a scourge on the major part of our fellow-ci- 
tizens of the union ; for it is hardly to be supposed, that the 
great body of the people, though they will not act, can be so 
short-sighted, or enveloped in darkness, as not to see rays of 
a distant sun through all this mist of intoxication and folly. 

" You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease 
the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where 
that influence is to be found, nor, if attainable, that it would 
be a proper remedy for these disorders. Influence is not go- 
vernment. Let us have a government by wiiich our lives, 
liberties, and properties, will be secured, or let us know the 
worst at once. Under these impressions, my humble opin- 
ion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely 
what the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, 
redress them if possible, or acknowledge the justice of them, 
and your inability to do it in the present moment. If they 
have not, employ the force of government against them at 
once. — If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the 
superstructure is bad, or wants support. To be more exposed 
in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible, is hardly 
possible. To delay one or the other of these expedients, 
is to exasperate on the one hand, or to give confidence on 
-the other, and will add to their numbers ; for, like snow- 
haXls, such bodies increase by every movement, unless there 



164 THE LIFE OF 

is something in tlie way to obstruct and crumble them before 
their weight is too great and irresistible. 

'* These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous 
things. Let the reins of government, then, be braced and 
held with a steady hand, and every violation of the constitu- 
tion be reprehended. If defective, let it be amended, but not 
suffered to be trampled upon, while it has an existence." 

Virginia placed the name of Washington at the head of 
her delegates for the proposed convention. Letters poured 
in upon him from all sides, urging his acceptance of the ap- 
pointment. In answer to a letter from Mr. Madison, who had 
been the principal advocate of the measure in the Virginia 
legislature, General Washington replied, " Although I have 
bid a public adieu to the public walks of life, and had resolv- 
ed never more to tread that theatre, yet, if upon any occa- 
sion so interesting to the well being of our confederacy, it 
had been the wish of the assembly that I should be an asso- 
ciate in the business of revising the federal system, I should, 
from a sense of the obligation 1 am under for repeated proofs 
of confidence in me, more than from any opinion I could en- 
tertain of my usefulness, have obeyed its call ; but it is now 
out of my power to do this with any degree of consistency. 
The cause I will mention. 

"I presume you heard, sir, that I was first appointed, and 
have since been re-chosen, president of the society of the 
Cincinnati ; and you may have understood, also, that the tri- 
ennial general meeting of this body is to be held in Philadel- 
phia the first Monday in May next. Some particular reasons, 
combining with the peculiar situation of my private concerns, 
the necessity of paying attention to them, a wish for retire- 
ment, and relaxation from public cares, and rheumatic pains, 
which I begin to feel very sensibly, induced me, on the 31st 
ultimo, to address a circular letter to each state society, in- 
forming them of my intention not to be at the next meeting, 
and of my desire not to be re-chosen president. The vice- 
president is also informed of this, that the business of the 
society may not be impeded by my absence. Under these 
circumstances, it will readily be perceived, that I could not 
appear at the same time and place, on any other occasion, 
without giving offence to a very respectable and deserving 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 165 

part of ihe community, the late officers of the American 
army." 

The meeting of the convention was postponed to a day 
subsequent to that of the meeting of the Cincinnati. This 
removed one of the diihcuhies in the way of Washington's 
acceptance of a seat in the convention, and, joined with the 
importance of the call, and his own eager desire to advance 
the public interest, finally induced his compliance with the 
wishes of his iriends. 

The convention met in Philadelphia, in May, and unani- 
mously chose George Washington their president. On the 
17th of September, 1787, they closed their labours, and sub- 
mitted the result to congress, with their opinion " that it 
should be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in 
each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation 
of its legislature, for their assent and ratification." 

By this new form of government, ample powers were 
given to congress, without the intervention of the states, for 
every purpose that national dignity, interest, or happiness 
required. 

The ablest pens, and most eloquent tongues, were em- 
ployed for, and against, its acceptance. In this animated 
contest, Washington took no part. Having with his sword 
vindicated the right of his country to self-government, and, 
having with his advice aided in digesting an eflicient form of 
government, which he most thoroughly approved, it seemed 
that he wished the people to decide for themselves, whether 
to accept or reject it. 

The constitution being accepted by eleven states, and pre- 
paratory measures being taken for bringing it into operation, 
all eyes were turned to Washington, as the fittest man for 
the oflfice of President of the United States. His corres- 
pondents began to press his acceptance of the high office, as 
essential to the well being of his country. 

To those who think that Washington was like other men, 
it will scarcely appear possible, that supreme magistracy pos- 
sessed no charms sufficient to tempt him from his beloved 
retirement, when he was healthy and strong, and only fifty- 
seven years old ; but, if an opinion can be formed of his real 
sentiments, from the tenor of his life and confidential com- 
munications to his most intimate friends, a conviction will be 



166 THE LIFE OF 

produced, that his acceptance of the presidency of tlie United 
States was the result of a victory obtained by a sense of dnl)' 
©ver his inclinations, and was a real sacrifice of the latter to 
the former. 

In a letter to colonel Henry Lee, Wasliinofton observes ; 
*' Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increas- 
ing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing 
love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predi- 
lection for the character of a private citizen ; yet it will be 
no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former 
reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering 
new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an ac- 
ceptance, bat a belief that some other person, who had less pre- 
tence, and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the 
duties full as satisfactorily as myself.- — To say more, would 
be indiscreet, as a disclosure of a refusal beforehand, might 
incur the application of the fable, in which the fox is repre- 
sented as undervaluing the grapes he could not reach. You 
will perceive, my dear sir, by what is here observed, and 
which you will be pleased to consider in the light of a confi- 
dential communication, that my inclinations will dispose and 
decide me to remain as I am, unless a clear and insurmount- 
able conviction should be impressed on my mind, that some 
very disagreeable consequences must in all human probabili- 
ty result from the indulgence of my wishes." 

In a letter to colonel Hamilton, Washington observes, " If I 
am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly re- 
joice, in case the electors, by giving their votes to some other 
person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of be- 
ing forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in 
the next place, earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, 
and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability 
that the government would just as happily and effectually be 
carried into execution, without my aid, as with it. — I am 
truly solicitous to obtain all the previous information which 
the circumstances will afford, and to determine, when the 
determination can no longer be postponed, according to the 
principles of right reason, and the dictates of a clear con- 
science, without too great a reference to the unforeseen con- 
.S£quences which may affect my person or reputation. Until 
ib^at period, I may fairly hold myself open to convictionj. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. l&f 

iho\igh I allow your sentiments to have weight in them ; and 
I shall not pass by your arguments, without giving them as 
dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow upon 
them. 

" In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of 
light I have been able to place it, I will not suppress the ac- 
knowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of 
gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught to ex- 
pect I might, and perhaps, must be called upon, ere long, to 
make the decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the 
assertion, that I have little expectation it would gain credit 
from those who are less acquainted with me, that if I should 
receive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon to ac- 
cept it, the acceptance would be attended with more difficul- 
ty and reluctance, than I ever experienced before. — It would 
be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending 
whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the 
public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and early period, 
my services might be dispensed with ; and that I might be 
permitted once more to retire, to pass an unclouded eveningy 
after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic traiv 
quillity." 

In a letter to general Lincoln, Washington observes, "I may, 
however, with great sincerity, and I believe without offend- 
ing against modesty and propriety, say to you, tliat I most 
heartily wish the choice to which you allude, might not fall 
upon me ; and that if it should, I must reserve to myself the 
right of making up my final decision, at the last moment, 
when it can be brought into one view, and when the expedi- 
ency or inexpediency of a refusal can be more judiciously de- 
termined, than at present. But be assured, my dear sir, if, 
from any inducement, I shall be persuaded ultimately to ac- 
cept, it will not be, so far as I know my own heart, from any 
of a private or personal nature. Every personal considera- 
tion conspires to rivet me, if I may use the expression, to 
retirement. — At my time of life, and under my circumstan- 
ces, nothing in this world can ever draw me from it, unless 
it be a conviction that the partiality of my countrymen has 
made my services absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that 
my refusal might induce a belief that I preferred the conser- 
▼atien of my own reputation and private ease, to the good of 



169 THE LIFE OF 

my country ! After all, if I should conceive myself in a 
manner constrained to accept, I call Heaven to witness, that 
this very act vt^ould be the greatest sacrifice of my personal 
feelings and wishes, that ever I have been called upon to 
make. It would be to forego repose and domestic enjoy- 
ment, for trouble, perhaps for public obloquy ; for I should 
consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enve- 
loped on every side with clouds and darkness. 

" From this embarrassing situation, I had naturally sup- 
posed that my declarations at the close of the war, would have 
sLved me, and that my sincere intentions, then publicly made 
known, would have effectually precluded me, for ever after- 
wards, from being looked upon as a candidate for any office. 
This hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness in old age, 
I had carefully preserved, until the public papers and private 
letters from my correspondence in almost every quarter, 
taught me to apprehend that I might soon be obliged to an- 
swer the question, whether I would go again into public life 
or not." 

In a letter to the marquis de la Fayette, Washington ob- 
serves, " Your sentiments indeed coincide much more near- 
ly with those of my other friends, than with my own feel- 
ings. In truth, m»y difficulties increase and magnify as I 
draw towards the period, when, according to the common be- 
lief, it will be necessary for me to give a definite answer, in 
one way or other. Should circumstances render it in a man- 
ner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, 
my dear sir, I shall assume the task with the most unfeign- 
ed reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which I shall 
probably receive no credit from the world. — If I know my 
own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty, will induce 
me again to take an active part in public affairs. And in that 
case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endea- 
vours shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the hazard of 
former fame, or present popularity, to extricate my country 
from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through 
want of credit, and to establish a general system of policy, 
which, if pursued, will ensure permanent felicity to the com- 
monwealth. I think I see a path as clear and as direct as a 
ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object, 
ffothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 169 

necessary to make us a great and happy people. Happily, 
the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition 
of my countrymen, promise to co-operate in establishing 
those four great and essential pillars of public felicity." 

Before the election of a president occurred, so universal 
was the expectation that Washington would be elected, that 
numerous applications were made to him, in anticipation, for 
oflices in the government, which would be in his gift. To 
one of such applicants, he wrote as follows ; " Should it be- 
come absolutely necessary for me to occupy the station in 
which your letter presupposes me, I have determined to go 
into it perfectly free from all engagements of every nature 
whatsoever. A conduct in conformity to this resolution, 
would enable me, in balancing the various pretensions of dif- 
ferent candidates for appointments, to act with a sole refer- 
ence to justice, and the public good. This is, in substance, 
the ansvver that I have given to all applications, and they are 
not few, which have already been made.' 



CHAPTER XL 



Washington elected president. On his way to the seat of 
government., at New York, receives the most flattering 
marks of respect. Addresses Congress. The situation 
of the United States in their foreign and domestic rela- 
tions, at the inauguration of Washington. Fills up pub- 
lic offices solely with a view to the public good. Proposes 
a treaty to the Creek Indians, ivhich is at first reject- 
ed. Colonel Willett induces the heads of the nation to 
come to New York, to treat there. The North Western 
Indians refuse a treaty ; hut after defeating generals 
Ilarmar and St. Clair, they are defeated by general Wayne. 
They then submit and agree to treats A new system is 
introduced for meliorating their condition. 

It was intended that the new government should com- 
mence its operations on the 4th of March, 1789 ; but, from 
accidental causes, the election of General Washington to the 

P 



170 THE LIFE OF 

presidency was not officially announced to him at Mount 
Vernon, till the 14th of next April. This was done by 
Charles Thompson, secretary to the late congress, who pre- 
sented to him the certificate signed by the president of the 
senate of the United States, stating that George Washington 
was unanimously elected president. This unexpected delay 
was regretted by the public, but not by the newly elected 
president. — In a letter to general Knox, he observed, '• As 
to myself, the delay may be compared to a reprieve ; for, in 
confidence I tell you, what with the world would obtain 
little credit, that my movements to the chair of government 
will be accompanied by feelings not unlikie those of a culprit 
Avho is going to the place of his execution ; so unwilling am 
I, in the evening of life, nearly consumed in public cares, to 
quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that 
competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which 
are necessary to manage the lielm. — I am sensible that I am 
embarking the voice of the people, and a good name of my 
own, on this voyage, but what returns will be made for them, 
Heaven alone can foretell. Integrity and firmness are all I 
can promise. These, be the voyage long or short, shall ne- 
ver forsake me, although I may be deserted by all men ; for, 
of the consolations which are to be derived from these, under 
any circumstances, the world cannot deprive me." 

On the second day after receiving notice of his appoint- 
ment, Washington set out for New York. On his way thi- 
ther, the road was crowded with numbers, anxious to see the 
man of the people. Escorts of militia, and of gentlemen of 
the first character and station, attended him from state to 
stale, and he was every where received with the highest 
honours that a grateful and admiring people contd confer. 
Addresses of congratulation were presented to him by the 
inhabitants of almost every place of importance, through 
which he passed, to all of which he returned answers so mod- 
est and unassuming, as were in every respect suitable to his 
situation. — So great were the honours witli which he was load- 
ed, that they could scarcely iiave failed to produce haughti 
ness in the mind of any ordinary man ; but nothing of the 
kind was ever discovered in this extraordinary personage. 
On all occasions, he behaved to all men with the affability of 
•ne citizen to another. He was truly great in deserving lh» 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 171 

plaudits of his country, but much greater in not being elated 
by them. 

Of the numerous addresses which were presented on this 
occasion, one, subscribed by Dennis Ramsay, the mayor of 
Alexandria, in the name of the people of that city, who were 
the neighbours of Mr. Washington, was particularly and uni- 
versally admired. It was in the following words : 

" To George Washington, Esq. President of the United 
States, ^c. 

" Again, your country commands your care. Obedient to 
its wishes, unmindful of your ease, we see you again relin- 
quishing the bliss of retirement, and this too, at a period of 
life when nature itself seems to authorize a preference of re- 
pose. 

'* Not to extol your glory as a soldier ; not to pour forth 
our gratitude for past services ; not to acknowledge the jus- 
tice of the unexampled honour which has been conferred up- 
on you by the spontaneous and unanimous suffrage of three 
millions of freemen, in your election to the supreme magis- 
tracy, nor to admire the patriotism which directs your con- 
duct, do your neighbours and friends now address you. 
Themes less splendid, but more endearing, impress our 
minds. The first and best of citizens must leave us ; our 
aged must lose their ornaments ; our youth their model ; our 
agriculture its improver ; our commerce its friend ; our in- 
fant academy its protector ; our poor their benefactor ; and 
the interior navigation of the Potomac, an event replete with 
the most extensive utility, already by your unremitted exer- 
tions brought into partial use, its institutor and promoter. 

"Farewell. Go, and make a grateful people happy; a 
people who will be doubly grateful, when they contemplate 
tills recent sacrifice for their interest. 

" To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at his will, 
we commend you ; and, after the accomplishment of the ar- 
duous business to which you are called* may he restore to us 
again the best of men, and the most beloved fellow-citizen.'* 

To this, Mr. Washington returned the following answer : 

" Gentlemen, — Although I ought not to conceal, yet I 
fiannot describe the painful emotions which I felt, in being 
called upon to determine whether I would accept or refuse 



172 THE LIFE OF 

the presidency of the United States. The unanimity in the 
choice ; the opinion of my friends, communicated from differ- 
ent parts of Europe, as well as from America ; the apparent 
wish of those who were not entirely satisfied with the consti- 
tution in its present form, and an ardent desire on my own 
part to be instrumental in connecting the g-ood will of my 
countrymen towards each other, have induced an acceptance. — 
Those who know me best, and you, my fellow-citizens, are, 
from your situation, in that number, know better than any 
others, my love of retirement is so great, that no earthly con- 
sideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have prevailed 
upon me to depart from my resolution ' never more to take any 
share in transactions of a public nature ;' for at my age, and 
in my circumstances, what prospects or advantages could I 
propose to myself from embarking again on the tempestuous 
and uncertain ocean of public life ? 

"I do not feel myself under the necessity of making pub- 
lic declarations, in order to convince you, gentlemen, of my 
attachment to yourselves, and regard for your interests. The 
whole tenor of my life has been open to your inspection ; 
and my past actions, rather than my present declarations, 
must be the pledge of my future conduct. 

"In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely for the 
expressions of kindness contained in your valedictory ad- 
dress. It is true, just after having bade adieu to my domes- 
tic connexions, this tender proof of your friendship is but 
too well calculated, still further to awaken ray sensibility, 
and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyment of 
private life. 

" All that now remains for me, is to commit myself and 
you to the protection of that beneficent Being, who, on 
a former occasion, halh happily brought us together, after a 
long and distressing separation. Perhaps the same gracious 
Providence will again indulge me. Unutterable sensations 
must then be left to more expressive silence, while from an 
aching heart I bid all my affectionate friends and kind neigh- 
bours farewell." 

Gray's bridge, over the Schuylkill, which Washington 
had to pass, was highly decorated with laurels and ever- 
greens. At each end, were erected magnificent arches, com- 
posed of laurels, emblematical of the ancient Roman triumphal 



GEORGE WASHINGTOIM. 173 

arches, and on each side of the bridge was a laurel shrub- 
bery. As Washington passed the bridge, a youth, ornament- 
ed with sprigs of laurel, assisted by, machinery, let drop 
above his head, though unperceived by him, a civic crown 
of laurel. Upwards of twenty thousand citizens lined the 
fences, fields, and avenues, between the Schuylkill and Phi- 
ladelphia. Through these, he was conducted to the city by 
a numerous and respectable body of the citizens, where he 
partook of a sumptuous entertainment provided for him. 
The pleasures of the day were succeeded by a handsome 
display of fire- works in the evening. 

When Washington crossed the Delaware, and landed on 
the Nev/ Jersey shore, he was saluted with three cheers by 
the inhabitants of the vicinity. W'hen he came to the brow 
of the hill on his way to Trenton, a triumphal arch appeared, 
erected on the bridge, by the direction of the ladies of the 
place. The crown of the arch was highly ornamented with 
laurels and flowers ; and on it was displayed, in large charac- 
ters, *' December 26th, 1776." On the sweep of the arch 
beneath, was this inscription, " The Defender of the Mo- 
thers v/ill also protect their Daughters." On the north side, 
were ranged a number of female children, dressed in white, 
with garlands of flowers on their heads, and baskets of flow- 
ers on their arms. In the second row, stood the young wo- 
men ; and behind them, the married ladies of the vicinity. — 
The instant when he passed the arch, the children began to 
sing the following ode : 

" Welcome, mighty diief ! once more 
Welcome to this grateful shore- 
Now, no mercenary foe 
Aims again the Altai blow. 
Aims at thee the fatal blow^ 
Virgins fair, and matrons grave,-^ 
These thy conquering arm did save ! 
Build for thee triumphal bowers, 
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers 
Strew your hero's way with flowers.'* 

As they sung the last lines, they strewed their flowers on 
the road before their beloved deliverer. His situation on 
this occasion, contrasted with what he had in December^ 
1776, felt on the same spot, when the affairs of America 
«rere at the lowest ebb of depression, filled him with sensa- 

p2 



174 THE LIFE OF 

tions that cannot be described. He was rowed across the 
bay from Elizabethtown to New York, in a splendid barge, 
by thirteen pilots. All the vessels in the harbour hoisted 
their flags. Stairs were erected and decorated for ais re- 
ception. On his landing, universal joy diffused itself through 
every order of the people; and he was received and con- 
gratulated by the governor of the state, und ofHcers of the 
corporation. He was conducted frqin the landing-place to 
the house which had been fitted up for his reception, and 
was followed by a splendid procession of militia in their 
uniforms, and by a great number of citizens. In the evening 
the houses of the inhabitants were brilliantly illuminated. 

A day was fixed, soon after his arrival, for his taking the 
oath of office, which was in the following words. " I do 
solemnly sv/ear, that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States; and will, to the best of my 
ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the 
United States." On tliis occasion, he was wholly clothed 
in American manufactures. In the morning of the day ap- 
pointed for this purpose, the clergy of different denomina- 
tions assembled their congregations in their respective places 
of worship, and offered up public prayers for the president 
and people of the United States. — About noon, a procession, 
followed by a multitude of citizens, moved from the presi- 
dent's house to Federal Hall. When they came within a 
short distance of the Ilali, the troops formed a line on both 
sides of the way, through which Washington, accompanied 
by the vice-president, Mr. John Adams, passed into the 
genale-chamber. Immediately afterwards, accompanied by 
both houses, he went into the gallery opposite to Broad- 
street, and before them and an immense concourse of citizens, 
took the oath prescribed by the constitution, which was ad- 
ministered by Mr. Robert R. Livingston, the chancellor of 
the state of New York. — An awful silence prevailed amongst 
the spectators, during this part of the ceremony. It was a 
minute of the most sublime political joy. The chancellor 
then proclaimed him president of the United States. This 
was answered by the discharge of thirteen guns ; and by 
shouts from nearly ten thousand grateful and affectionate 
hearts. The president bowed most respectfully to the peo- 
ple, and the aix again resounded with their acclamations* 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175 

He then retired to the senate-chamber, where he made the 
followmg speech to both houses : 

^^ Fellow- Citizens of the Senate, 

" and of the House of Representatives, 

" Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could 
have filled me with greater anxieties, than that of which the 
notification was transmitted by your order, and received on 
the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was 
summoned by my country, Avhose voice I can never hear 
but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had 
chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering 
hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my de- 
clining years ; a retreat which was rendered every day more 
necessary, as well as more dear to me, by the addition of 
habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my 
health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. — On 
the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to 
which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient 
to awaken, in the wisest and most experienced of her citi- 
zens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could liot 
but overwhelm with despondence, one who, inheriting infe- 
rior endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties 
of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of 
his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare 
aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty 
from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it 
might be efl'ecled. — All I dare hope is, that, if in accepting 
this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful re- 
membrance of former instances, or by an aflectionate sensi- 
bility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my 
fellow-citizens ; and have thence too little consulted my 
incapacity, as well as disinclination for the weighty and un- 
tried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the 
motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged 
by my country with some share of the partiality in which 
they originated. 

*' Such being the impressions under which I have, ia 
obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present 
station ; it will be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first 
official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being 



176 THE LIFE OF 

who rules over the universe ; who presides in the councils 
of nations ; and whose providential aids can supply every 
human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the 
liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a 
government instituted by themselves for these essential pur- 
poses ; and may enable every instrument employed in its 
adiuinistration, to execute witii success, the functions allotted 
to his cbarge. — In tendering the homage to the great Author 
of every public and private good, -I assure myself that it ex- 
presses your sentiments, not less than my own ; nor those 
of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No peo])le 
can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand 
which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of 
the United States. — Every step by which they have advanced 
to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been 
distinguished by some token of providential agency ; and in 
the important revolution just accomplished in the system of 
.their united government, the tranquil deliberations and volun- 
tary consent of so many distinct communities, from which 
the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means 
by which most governments have been established, without 
some return of pious gratitude along with an humble antici- 
pation of the futuie blessings which the past seem to pre- 
sage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, 
have forced themselves too strongly on my mind, to be sup- 
pressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that 
there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings 
of a new and free government can more auspiciously com- 
mence. 

'* By the article establishing the executive department, it 
is made the duty of the president ' to recomm^ ;)■ to your con- 
sideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and 
expedient.' The circumstances under whi'/'> I now meet 
you, will acquit me from entering into thai ;;hject, farther 
than to refer to the great constitutional chartc: under which 
you are assembled, and which, in defining yo' c powers, de- 
signates the objects to which your attention is to be given. 
It wall be more consistent with those circumstnnces, and fat 
more congenial with the feelings which actunto me, to sub- 
stitute, in place of a recommendation of particuhir measures, 
the tribute that is due to the talents, the recuiude, and the 



GEORGE V/ASHINGTON. 1T7 

patriotism, which adorn the characters seli^cted to devise 
and adopt them. — In these honourable qualifications, I be- 
hold the surest pledges, that, as on one side, no local preju- 
dices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, 
will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought 
to w^itch over this great assemblage of communities and in- 
terests ; so, on another, that the foundations of our national 
policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of 
private morality; and the pre-eminence of free government 
be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affec- 
tions of its citizens, and command the respect of the world, 
I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an 
ardent love for my country can inspire ; since there is no 
truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists, in 
the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union be- 
tween virtu'j and happiness ; between duty and advantage ; 
between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous 
policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felici- 
ty ; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious 
smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that dis- 
regards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven it- 
self has ordained ; and since the preservation of the sacred 
fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of 
government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as 
FINALLY, staked, on the experiment intrusted to the hands of 
the American people. 

" Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it 
w^ill remain with your judgment to decide, how far an ex- 
ercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article 
of the constitution, is rendered expedient, at the present 
juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged 
against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has 
given birth to them. — Instead of undertaking particular re- 
commendations on this subject, in which I could be guided 
by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again 
give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and 
pursuit of the public good, for I assure myself, that whilst 
you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger 
the benefits of a united and effective government, or which 
ought to await the future lessons of experience ; a reverence 
for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the 



178 THE LIFE OP 

public harmony, will sufficiently influence your delibera- 
tions on the question how far the former can be more im- 
pregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously 
promoted. 

*♦ To the preceding observations,! have one to add, which 
will be most properly addressed to the house of representa- 
tives. It concerns myself, and will, therefore, be as brief as 
possible. When I was first honoured with a call into the 
service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous strug- 
gle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my 
duty, required that I should renounce every pecuniary com- 
pensation. From this resolution, I have in no instance de- 
parted. And being still under the impressions which pro- 
duced it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share 
in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably in- 
cluded in a permanent provision for the executive depart- 
ment ; and must, accordingly, pray that the pecuniary esti- 
mates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my 
continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as 
the public good may be thought to require. 

** Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they 
have been awakened by the occasion which brings us toge- 
ther, I shall take my present leave ; but not without resorting 
once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in hum- 
ble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favour the 
American people with opportunities for deliberating in per- 
fect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparal- 
leled unanimity on a form of government for the security of 
their union, and the advancement of their happiness ; so his 
divine blessings may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged 
views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures 
on which the success of this government must depend." 

In their answer to this speech, the senate say ; '* The 
unanimous suffrage of the elective body in your favour, is 
peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, confidence, and affec- 
tion of the citizens of America, and is the highest testimonial 
at once of your merit and their esteem. We are sensible, 
sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow-citizens could 
have called you from a retreat, chosen with the fondest pre- 
dilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to the repose 
of declining years. We rejoice, and with us all America, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. It5 

that in obedience to the call of our common country, you 
have returned once more to public life. In you, all parties 
confide ; in you, all interests unite ; and we have no doubt 
that your past services, great as they have been, will be equals 
led by your future exertions ; and that your prudence and 
sagacity as a statesman, will tend to avert the dangers to 
which we were exposed, to give stability to the present gov- 
ernment, and dignity and splendour to that country, which 
your skill and valour as a soldier so eminently contributed to 
raise to independence and to empire." 

The affection for the person and character of the president, 
with which the answer of the house of representatives glow- 
ed, promised, that, between this branch of the legislature 
also and the executive, the most harmonious co-operation in 
the public service might be expected. 

*' The representatives of the people of the United States," 
says this address, " present their congratulations on the event 
by which your fellow-citizens have attested the pre-eminence 
of your merit. You have long held the first place in their 
esteem. You have often received tokens of their affection. 
You now possess the only proof that remained, of their grati- 
tude for your services, of their reverence for your wisdom, 
and of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the high- 
est, because the truest honour, of being the first magistrate, 
by the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of 
the earth. 

*' We well know the anxieties with which you must have 
obeyed the summons from the repose reserved for your de- 
clining years, into public scenes of which you had taken 
your leave for ever. But obedience was due to the occasion. 
It is already applauded by the universal joy which welcomes 
-you to your station. And we cannot doubt that it will be 
rewarded with all the satisfaction with which an ardent love 
for your fellow-citizens must review successful efforts to pro- 
mote their happiness. 

"This anticipation is not justified merely by the past ex- 
perience of your signal services. It is particularly suggested 
by the pious impressions under which yon commence your 
administration; and the enlightened maxims by which you 
mean to conduct it. We feel with you the strongest obliga- 
tioa« to adore the invisible hand which has led the American 



180 THE LIFE OP 

people through so many difficulties ; to cherish a conscious 
responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty ; and to 
seek the only sure means of preserving and recommending 
the precious deposit in a system of legislation founded on 
the principles of an honest policy, and directed by the spirit 
of a diffusive patriotism. 

" In forming the pecuniary provisions for the executive 
department, we shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from 
motives which give it a peculiar claim to our regard. Your 
resolution, in a moment critical to the liberties of your coun- 
try, to renounce all personal emolument, was among the many 
presages of your patriotic services, which have been amply 
fulfilled ; and your scrupulous adherence, now, to the law 
tlien imposed on yourself, cannot fail to demonstrate the pu- 
rity, whilst it increases the lustre of a character which has 
go many titles to admiration. 

" Such are the sentiments vvith which we have thought fit 
to address you. They flow from our own hearts, and we 
verily believe that among the millions we represent, there is 
not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown them. 

" All that remains is, that we join in your fervent suppli- 
cations for the blessings of Heaven on our country, and that 
we add our own for the choicest of these blessings on the 
most beloved of her citizens." 

The president and congress then attended divine service. 

In the evening, there wasexhibited a very ingenious and 
splendid show of fireworks. Between the fort and the Bow- 
ling Green, stood conspicuous, a superb and brilliant trans- 
parent painting, in the centre of which was the portrait of 
the president, represented under the emblem of Fortitude ; 
on his right hand, that of Justice, representing the senate of 
the United States, and on his left, the portrait of Wisdom, 
representing the house of representatives. 

A president of the United States being a new political 
character, to a great portion of whose time the public was 
entitled, it became proper to digest a system of conduct to be 
observed in his intercourse with the world, which would 
keep in view the duties of his station, without entirely dis- 
regarding his personal accommodation, or the course of pub- 
lic opinion. In the interval between his arrival in New York, 
and hij entering upon the duties of his office, those most 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, ISl 

capable of advising on the subject were consulted, and some 
rules were framed by General Washington for his govern- 
ment in those respects. — As one of tliem, the allotment of a 
particular hour for receiving visits not on business, became 
the subject of much animadversion ; and being considered 
merely as an imitation of the levee days established by 
crowned heads ; has constituted not the least important of 
the charges which have been made against him, the motives 
assigned by himself for the rule may not be unworthy of at- 
tention. 

Not long after the government came into operation, doctor 
Stuart, a gentleman nearly connected with the government, 
in friendship and by marriage, addressed to him a letter, stat- 
ing the accusations which were commonly circulating in 
Virginia, on different subjects, and especially against the re- 
gal manners of those who administered the affairs of the na- 
tion. In answer to this letter, the president observed, 
*' While the eyes of America, perhaps of the world, are 
turned towards this government, and many are watching 
the movements of all those who are concerned in its ad- 
ministration, I should like to be informed, through so 
good a medium, of the public opinion of both men and mea- 
sures, and of none more than myself; — not so much of what 
may be thought commendable parts, if any, of my conduct, as 
of those which are conceived to be of a different complexion* 
The man who means to commit no wrong, will never be 
guilty of enormities, consequently, can never be unwilling to 
learn what are ascribed to him as foibles. — If they are really 
such, the knowledge of them, in a well-disposed mind, will 
go half way towards a reform. If they are not errors, he 
can explain and justify the motives of his actions. 

" At a distance from the theatre of action, truth is not al- 
ways related without embellishment, and sometimes is en* 
tirely perverted, from a misconception of the causes which 
produced the effects that are the subjects of censure. 

•* This leads me to think, that a system which I found it 
indispensably necessary to adopt, upon my first coming to 
this city, might have undergone severe strictures, and have 
had motives very different from those that governed me, 
assigned as causes thereof. — I mean, first, returning no 
visits : secondly, appointing certain days to receive them 

Q 



182 TH£ LIFE OP 

generally (not to the exclusion, however, of visits on any 
other days, under particular circumstances ;) and tliirdly, at 
first entertaining no company, and afterwards (until I was 
unable to entertain any at all) confining it to official charac- 
ters. — A few days evinced the necessity of the first two, irt 
so clear a point of view, that, had I not adopted it, I should 
have been unable to attend to any sort of business, unless I 
had applied the hours allotted to rest and refreshment to this 
purpose ; for, by the time I had done breakfast, and thence 
until dinner, and afterwards until bed-time, I could not get 
relieved from the ceremony of one visit, before I had to at- 
tend to another. In a word, I had no leisure to read or to 
answer the despatches that were pouring in upon me from all 
quarters." 

In a subsequent letter^ written to the same gentleman, after 
his levees had been openly censured by the enemies of his 
administration, he thus expressed himself: 

''Before the custom was established, which now accom- 
modates foreign characters, strangers, and others, who, from 
motives of curiosity, respect to the chief magistrate, or any 
other cause, are induced to call upon me, I was unable to at- 
tend to any business whatsoever. For, gentlemen, consult- 
ing their own convenience, rather than mine, were calling 
from the time I rose from breakfast — often before — until I 
sat down to dinner. This, as I resolved not to neglect my 
public duties, induced me to the choice of one of these alter- 
natives, — either to refuse them altogether, or to appropriate 
a time for their reception. The first would, 1 well knew, be 
disgusting to many ; the latter, 1 expected, would undergo 
animadversion from those who would find fault, with or witli- 
out cause. To please every body, was impossible. I there- 
fore adopted that line of conduct which combined public ad- 
?antage with private convenience, and which, in my judg- 
ment, was unexceptionable in itself. 

'* These visits are optional. They are made without in- 
vitation. Between the hours of three and four, every Tues- 
day, I am prepared to receive them. Gentlemen, often in 
great numbers, come and go ; chat witli each otlier ; and act 
as they please. A porter shows them into the room ; and 
they retire from it when they choose, and without ceremony. 
At their first entrance, they 'salute me, and as many ui^ 1 can 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 183 

talk to, I do. What pomp there is in all this, I am unable 
to discover! Perhaps, it consists in not sitting. To this, 
two reasons are opposed; first, it is unusual; secondly, 
(which is a more substantial reason) because I have no room 
large enough to contain a third of the chairs which would be 
sufficient to admit it. — If it is supposed that ostentation, or 
the fashion of courts (which, by the by, originate oftener in 
convenience, not to say necessity, than is generally ima- 
gined) gave rise to this custom, I will boldly affirm that 7io 
supposition was ever more erroneous ; for, were I to indulge 
my inclinations, every moment that I could withdraw from 
the fatigues of my station, should be spent in retirement. That 
they are not, proceeds from the sense I entertain of the pro- 
priety of giving to every one as free access as consists with 
that respect which is due to the chair of government ; and 
that respect, I conceive, is neither to be acquired nor pre- 
served, but by maintaining a just medium between too much 
state, and too great familiarity. 

"Similar to the above, but of a more familiar and social 
kind, are the visits every Friday afternoon to Mrs. Washing- 
ton, where I always am. These public meetings, and a din- 
ner once a week, to as many as my table will hold, with the 
references to and from the different departments of state, and 
other communications with all parts of the union, are as 
much, if not more, than I am able to undergo ; for I have 
already had, within less than a year, two severe attacks ; — 
tlie last worse than the first : — a third, it is more than proba- 
ble, will put me to sleep with my fathers ; — at what distance 
this may be, I know not." ' 

When Washington commenced his administration, the 
condition of the United States was so embarrassed, as to ex- 
cite many fears for the success of the new government ! The 
treasury was empty. Large debts were due, both by the old 
congress and individuals, to foreigners, and also by the Unit- 
ed States to its own citizens, and by citizens to citizens. 
Every effort, made by the former government, to pay, or 
even to fund its debts, had failed, from the imbecility of the 
federal system. Great discontents prevailed in the United 
States; for the party opposed to the new constitution was strong 
and numerous. Several of these were elected to seats in the 
new congress. Some were clamorous for a new convention, 



184 THE LIFE OF 

and the most moderate for amendments of what had been 
ratified. Two states, North Carolina and Rhode Island, by- 
refusing an acceptance of the constitution, were not within 
the pale of its operations. 

Animosities prevailed to a great degree, between the Unit- 
ed States and Great Britain. Each charged the other with 
a breach of the late treaty. In support of tliese charges, one 
party urged the severities practised towards the loyalists, and 
also that some of the states had interposed legal impediments 
to the recovery of debts due to British subjects. The other 
recriminated, by alleging, that the British, on. their departure 
from the United States, had carried off with them several 
thousands of negroes belonging to the Americans; and con- 
tinued to possess sundry posts within the acknowledged limits 
of the United States ; and that from these posts they encour* 
aged and instigated the neighbouring Indians to make war on 
their north-western frontier settlements. — Spain, from the 
circumstance of her owning the land on each side of the 
mouth of the Mississippi, claimed the exclusive navigation- 
of that river; while the western inhabitants of the United 
States looked to their country for a vindication of their com- 
mon right to the use of this highway of nature. The bound- 
aries of the United States, towards the territories of Spain in 
the south, and towards those of Britain in the northeast, were 
both unsettled and in dispute. — The whole regular effective 
force of the United States, was less than six hundred men. 
Their trade was restricted much more than when they form- 
ed a part of the British empire. They had neither money to 
purchase, nor a naval force to compel the friendship of the 
Barbary powers ; and were, therefore, exposed to capture, 
whenever they ventured to trade in the Mediterranean, the 
coasts of which offered the best markets for some of their 
valuable commodities. 

The military strength of the northern Indians who inhab- 
ited the country between the Lakes, the Mississippi, and the 
Ohio, was computed at five thousand men, and of these, fif- 
teen hundred were at open war with the United States. The 
Creeks, in the southwest, who could bring six thousand fight- 
ing men into the field, were at war with Georgia. 

These were but a part of the embarrassments under which 
the United States laboui:ed, when General Washington was 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 185 

called to the helm. The redress of most of them required 
legislative interference, as well as executive aid. To point 
out the particular agency of the president, in removing these 
embarrassments, and generally ameliorating the condition of 
the United States, is peculiarly the province of the biogra- 
pher of Washington. 

Congress having organized the great departments of go- 
vernment, it became the duty of the president to designate 
proper persons to fill them. In discharging this delicate and 
difficult trust, Washington kept himself free from every en- 
gagement, and uniformly declined giving decisive answers 
to applicants, having previously resolved to nominate per- 
sons to offices with a sole view to the public good, and to 
bring forward those who, upon every consideration, and 
from the best information that he could obtain, were, in his 
judgment, most likely to answer the great end. 

Under- these impressions, he placed colonel Hamilton at 
the head of the treasury department. At the head of the 
department of foreign afl^airs, he placed Mr. Jefferson. Gen- 
eral Knox was continued in the department of war, which 
he had filled under the old congress ; and the office of attor- 
ney-general was assigned to Mr. Edmund Randolph. 

Those composed the cabinet-council of the first president. 

The judicial department was filled as follows : 

John Jay, of New York, chief justice ; John Rutledge, 
of South Carolina; James Wilson, of Pennsylvania; Wil- 
liam Cushing, of Massachusetts ; Robert Harrison, of Mary- 
land ; and John Blair, of Virginia; associate judges. 

The officers who had been appointed by the individual 
states to manage the revenue, which, under the old system, 
was paid into the state treasury, were re-appointed to cor- 
responding offices under the new constitution, by which the 
revenue had been transferred from tiie local to the general 
treasury of the union. 

It was amongst the first cares of Washington, to make 
peace with the Indians. C4eneral Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and 
colonel Humphreys, very soon after the inauguration of the 
president, were deputed by him to treat with the Creek In- 
dians. These met with M'Gillvray, and other chiefs of the 
nation, with about two thousand men, at the Rock Landing, 
Q. 2 



186 THE LIFE OF 

on the frontiers of Georgia. The negotiations were soon 
broken off by M'Gillvray, whose personal interest and con- 
nexion with Spain, were supposed to have been the real 
cause of their abrupt and unsuccessful termination. — The 
next year brought round an accomplishment of the presi- 
dent's wishes, which had failed on the first attempt. Policy 
and interest concurred, in recommending every prudent mea- 
sure for detaching the Creek Indians from all connexion with 
the Spaniards, and cementing their friendship with the 
United States. Negotiations carried on with them in the 
vicinity of the Spanish settlements, promised less than ne- 
gotiations conducted at the seat of government. — To induce 
a disposition favourable to this change of place, the president 
sent colonel Willet, a gallant and intelligent officer of the late 
army, into the Creek country, apparently on private busi- 
ness, but with a letter of introduction to M'Gillvray, and 
with instructions to take occasional opportunities to point 
out the distresses which a war Avith the United States would 
bring on the Creek nation, and the indiscretion of their 
breaking off the negotiations at the Rock Landing ; and to 
exhort him to repair with the chiefs of his nation to New- 
York, in order to effect a solid and lasting peace. • Willet 
performed these duties with so much dexterity, that M'Gill- 
vray, with the chiefs of his nation, were induced to come to 
New York, where fresh negotiations commenced, which on 
the 7th of August, 1790, terminated in the establishment of 
peace. 

By his incessant application to public business, and the 
consequent change of active for sedentary habits, the consti- 
tution of the president seemed much impaired ; and, during the 
last session of congress, he had, for the second time since 
entering upon the duties of his present station, been attacked 
by a severe disease, which reduced him to the brink of the 
grave. Exercise and a temporary relief from the cares of 
office, being essential to the restoration of his heahh, he de- 
termined, during the short interval afforded by the recess of 
congress, to retire from the metropolis, and from the fatigues 
of public life, to the tranquil shades of Mount Vernon. After 
returning from a visit to Rhode Island — which state not 
having then adopted the American constitution, had not been 
included in a tour lately made by him through New England, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187 

he took leave of New York, and hastened to that peaceful 
retreat, and those rural employments, his taste for which 
neither military glory, nor political power, could ever di- 
minish. 

After a short indulgence in these favourite scenes, it became 
necessary to repair to Philadelphia, in order to meet the na- 
tional legislature. 

The pacific overtures made by Washington to the Indians 
of the Wabash and the Miamis, failed of success. Long 
experience had taught the president, that, on the failure of 
negotiations with the Indians, policy, economy, and even 
humanity, required the employment of a sufficient force to 
carry offensive war into their country, and lay waste their 
settlements. The accomplishment of this was no easy mat- 
ter. The Indian nations were numerous, accustomed to war, 
and not without discipline. They were said to be furnished 
with arms and ammunitions from the British posts held 
within the United States, in violation of the treaty of peace. 
Generals Harmar and St. Clair were successively defeated 
by the Indians ; and four or five years elapsed before they 
were subdued. 

Their subjugation was accomplished by general Wayne, 
in 1794. On the eighth of August, general Wayne reached 
the confluence of the Au Glaize and the Miami of the lakes, 
without opposition. The richest and most extensive settle- 
ments of the v/estern Indians, were at this place. Here, he 
halted a few days, for the purpose of throwing up some 
works of defence and protection for magazines. In the vi- 
cinity of this post, was collected the whole strength of the 
enemy, amounting to little less than two thousand men. The 
continental legion was not much inferior in number to the 
Indians ; and a reinforcement of about eleven hundred mounted 
militia from Kentucky, commanded by general Scott, gave 
a decided majority of strength to the army of Wayne.' — That 
the Indians had determined to give him battle, was well un- 
derstood ; and that its issue v/ould be favourable to the Ame- 
rican army, the discipline of his legion, the ardour of all his 
troops, and the superiority of his numbers, authorized him 
confidently to expect. Yet, in pursuance of that policy by 
which the United States had been uniformly actuated, he de- 
termined to make one more efibrt for the attainment of peace 



188 THE LIFE OF 

without bloodslied ; and messengers were despatched to the 
several hostile tribes assembled in his front; but an evasive 
answer having been returned to his pacific overture, general 
Wayne was uncertain whether the Indians had decided for 
peace or war. 

On the fifteenth of August, the American army advanced, 
by slow and cautious marches, down the Miami, with its 
right covered by that river ; and on the eighteenth arrived at 
the rapids. 

The Indians were advantageously posted behind a thick 
wood, and behind a British fort. 

On the morning of the twentieth, the American army ad- 
vanced in columns ; the legion, with its right flank covered 
by the Miami. One brigade of mounted volunteers, com- 
manded by general Todd, was on the left ; the other, under 
general Barbee, was in the rear. A select battalion, com-^ 
manded by major Price, moved in front of the legion, suffi- 
ciently in advance to give timely notice for the troops to form, 
in case of action. 

After marching about five miles, major Price received so 
heavy a fire from a concealed enemy, that he was compelled 
to retreat. 

The Indians had chosen their ground with judgment. They 
had advanced into the thick wood in front of the British 
works, which extends several miles west from the Miami, 
and had taken a position rendered, almost inaccessible to 
horse, by a quantity of fallen timber, which appeared to have 
been blown up in a tornado* They were formed in three 
lines, within supporting distance of each other ; and, accord- 
ing to their custom, with a very extended front. Their line 
stretched to the west, at riglit angles with the river, about 
two miles ; and their immediate effort was to turn the left 
flank of the American army. 

On the discharge of the first rifle, the legion was formed 
into two lines ; and the front was ordered to advance with 
trailed arms, and rouse the enemy from their covert, at the 
point of the bayonet ; then, and not until then, to deliver a 
fire, and to press the fugitives too closely to allow them time 
to load after discharging their pieces. Soon perceiving the 
strength of the enemy in front, and that tliey v/ere endeavour- 
ing to turn the American left, the general ordered the second 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189 

line to support the first. The legion cavalry, led by captain 
Campbell, was directed to penetrate between the Indians and 
the river, where the wood was less thick and entangled, in 
order to charge their left flank ; and general Scott, at the 
head of the mounted volunteers, was directed to make a con- 
siderable circuit, and to turn their right flank. 

These orders were executed with spirit and prompiitiide ;- 
but such was the impetuosity of the charge made by the first 
line of infantry ; so entirely were the enemy broken by it ; 
and so rapid was the pursuit ; that only a small part of the 
second line, and of the mounted volunteers, could get into 
the action. In the course of one hour, the enemy were 
driven more than two miles, through thick woods ; when the 
pursuit terminated witliin gun-shot of the British fort. 

General Wayne remained three days on the banks of the 
Miami, in front of the field of battle ; during which time, 
the houses and cornfields, above and below the fort, some of 
them within pistol-shot of it, were reduced to ashes ; and on 
the twenty-eighth, the army returned to Au Glaize, by easy 
marches, destroying on its route all the villages and corn 
within fifty miles of the river. 

In this decisive battle, the loss of the Americans, in killed 
and wounded, amounted to one hundred and seven. Soon 
after that event, a peace was negotiated by general Wayne, 
between these Indians and the United States. 

In the progress of this last Indian war, repeated overtures 
of peace were made to the North Western Indians, but re- 
jected. About the same period, a new system was com- 
menced, for diverting them from hunting, to the employments 
of civilized life, by furnishing them with implements for agri- 
culture, and giving them instructions in manufactures. 

In this manner, during the presidency of George Washing- 
ton, peace was restored to the frontier settlements, both in 
the north and southwest, which has continued ever since, and 
it is likely to do so, while, at the same time, the prospect 
of meliorating the condition of the savages, is daily brighten- 
ing; for the system first begun by Washington, with a view 
of civilizing these fierce sons of nature, has been ever since 
steadily pursued, by all his successors.* 

* Except general Jackson ; by whom, a different policy has been piursued« 
m relation to the Creeks and Cherokees — Ed. 



190 THE LIFE OF 

In the mean time, (1791,) the president prepared to make 
his long contemplated tour through the southern states. In 
passing through them, he was received universally with the 
same marks of affectionate attachment, wliich he had ex- 
perienced in the northern and central parts of the union. 
The addresses presented to him, from all classes of his fehow 
citizens, exhibit a glow of expression, which is tlie genuine 
offspring of ardent feeling, and evince that the attachment to 
his person and character, which they professed, was undis- 
sembled. To the sensibilities which these demonstrations 
of regard and esteem of good men, could not fail to inspire, 
was added the high gratification produced by observing the 
rapid improvements of the country, and the advances made 
by the government, in acquiring the confidence of tlie peo- 
ple. — The numerous letters, written by the president, after 
his return to Philadelphia, attest the agreeable impressions 
made by these causes. "In my late tour through the south- 
ern states," said he, in a letter of the 28th of July, to Mr. 
Gouverneur Morris, "I experienced great satisfaction, in 
seeing the good effects of the general government in tliat 
part of the union. The people at large have felt the security 
which it gives, and the equal justice which it administers to 
them. The farmer, the merchant, and the mechanic, have 
seen their several interests attended to, and from thence they 
unite in placing a confidence in their representatives, as well 
as in those in whose hands the execution of the laws is 
placed. Industry has there taken place of idleness, and 
economy of dissipation. Two or three years of good crops^ 
and a ready market for the produce of their lands, have put 
every one into good humour ; and, in some instances, they 
even impute to the government, what is due only to the 
goodness of Providence. 

" The establishment of public credit is an immense point 
gained in our national concerns. This, I believe, exceeds 
the expectation of the most sanguine amongst us : — and a 
late instance, unparalleled in this country, has been given, 
of the confidence reposed in our measures, by the rapidity 
with which the subscriptions to the bank of the United 
States, were filled. In two hours after the books were 
opened by the commissioners, the whole number of shares 
was taken up, and four thousand more applied for, than were 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 191 

allowed by the institution* This circumstance was not only- 
pleasing, as it related to the confidence in government, but 
also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the resources of 
our citizens." 

During the session of congress, in 1791, an act passed, 
for establishing a uniform militia. Impressed alike from 
reason, from observation, and from feeling, with the neces- 
sity imposed upon a nation as powerful as the United States, 
to provide adequate means for its own security ; convinced, 
that in America, the objections to a military establishment 
which might serve even as the germ of an army, were insur- 
mountable ; and that the militia, without great improvement 
in the existing system, must be found, in time of danger, a 
very inadequate resource ; the president had manifested, from 
the commencement of his administration, a peculiar degree 
of solicitude on this subject. 

At the succeeding session of congress, not only was this 
recommendation repeated, but a plan, which had been digest- 
ed during the recess, was transmitted to both houses, in form 
of a report from the secretary of war, " that they might 
make such use thereof, as they might think proper." A bill, 
conforming to this plan, in many of its essential principles, 
was introduced into the house of representatives, at an early 
stage of the session, but the subject was found to be involved 
in much gi-eater difficulties than had been apprehended. To 
reconcile the public interest with private convenience, was a 
task not easily to be performed. Those provisions which 
were required to render the bill competent to the great pur- 
poses of national defence, involved a sacrifice of time and 
money, which the representatives of the people were unwil- 
ling to exact from their constituents, and the propriety of 
demanding which was the more questionable, as the burthen 
would be imposed, not so much upon property, as upon per- 
sons. The different ideas entertained on this subject, in dif- 
ferent parts of the union, and the difficulty of drawing the 
precise line between continental and state authority, created 
additional obstacles to the progress of the measure ; and the 
first congress passed away, without being able to devise any 
system in which a majority could concur. 

In his speech at the opening of the present session, the 
president again called the attention of the legislature to tliis 



192 THE LIFE OP 

important subject; and at length a law was enacted, which 
is far less efRcacious than the plan reported by the secretary 
of war, but which will probably not soon be carried into 
complete execution. It may well be doubted, whether the 
attempt to do more than to organize and arm the militia of a 
country under the circumstances of the United States, can 
ever be successful. Those habits of subordination, and of 
implicit obedience, which are believed to constitute the most 
valuable part of discipline, and the art of moving in an un- 
broken body, are perhaps to be acquired only in camp ; and 
experience has not yet rendered it certain, that arrangements 
which aim at an object, by means unequal to its attainment, 
will yield a good proportioned to the burthen they impose. 



CHAPTER XII. 



General PVasJiington attends to the foreign relations of the 
United States. Negotiates tvith Spain, Difficulties in 
the ivay. The free navigation of the Mississippi is 
granted by a treaty made ivith Major Finkney. Nego- 
tiations with Britain. BiJ/iculties in the way. War 
probable. Mr. Jay's mission. His treaty with Great 
Britain. Opposition thereto. Is ratified* IVashington 
refuses papers to the House of Representatives. British 
posts in the United States evacuated. Negotiations with 
France. Genet^s arrival. Assumes illegal powers, in 
violation of the neutrality of the United States. Is flat- 
tered by the people, but opposed by the executive. Is re- 
called. General Finkney sent as public minister to adjust 
disputes with France, Is 7wt received, Washington de- 
clines a re-election, and addresses the people. His last 
address to the national legislature. Recommends a navy, 
a military academy, and other public institutions. 

Events, which had taken place before the inauguration of 
Washington, embarrassed his negotiations for the adjustment 
of the political relations between the United States and 
Spain. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 193 

In the year 1779, Mr. Jay had been appointed by the old 
congress to make a treaty with his Catholic majesty, but 
his best endeavours for more than two years were ineffectual. 
In a fit of despondence, while the revolutionary war was 
.pressing, he had been authorised to agree " to relinquish, 
and in future forbear to use the navigation of the river Mis- 
sissippi, from the point where it leares the United States, 
down to the ocean." After the war was ended, a majority 
of congress had agreed to barter away, for twenty- five years, 
their claim to this navigation. — A long and intricate negotia- 
tion, between Mr. Gardoqui, the minister of his Catholic 
majesty, and the secretary of foreign afBxirs, had taken place 
at New York, in the interval between the establishment of 
peace, and of the new constitution of the United States ; but 
it was rendered abortive by the inflexible adherence of Mr. 
Gardoqui to the exclusion of the citizens of the United States 
from navigating the Mississippi below their southern boundary. 
This unyielding disposition of Spain, the inability of the 
United States to assert their claims to the navigation of this 
river, and especially the facility which the old congress had 
shown to recede from it for a term of years, had soured the 
minds of the western settlers. — Their impatience transported 
them so far beyond the bounds of policy, that they sometimes 
dropped hints of separating from the Atlantic states, and at- 
taching themselves to the Spaniards. In this critical state 
of things, the president found abundant exercise for all his 
prudence. The western inhabitants were, in fact, thwarting 
his views in their favour, and encouraging Spain to persist 
in refusing that free navigation, which was so ardently de- 
sired both by the president and the people. The adherence 
of Spain to the exclusive use of the lower Mississippi, and 
the impolitic discontents of the western inhabitants, were not 
the only embarrassments of Washington, in negotiating with 
the court of Madrid. 

" In 1793, four Frenchmen left Philadelphia, empowered by 
Mr. Genet, the minister of the French republic, to prepare 
an expedition in Kentucky against New Orleans. Spain, then 
at war with France, w^as at peace with the United States. 
Washington was officially bound to interpose his authority 
to prevent the raising of an armed force from amongst his 
fellow citizens, to commit hostilities on a peaceable neigh- 

R 



164 THE LIFE OP 

bouring power. Orders were accordingly given to the civit 
authority in Kentucky, to use all legal means to prevent this 
expedition ; but the execution of these orders was so languid, 
that it became necessary to call in the aid of the regular army. 
General Wayne was ordered to establish a military post at 
Fort Massac on the Ohio, for the purpose of forcibly stop- 
ping any body of armed men, who, in opposition to remon- 
strances, should persist in descending that river. 

Many of the high spirited Kentuckians were so exaspe- 
rated against the Spaniards, as to be very willing to second 
the views of the French minister, and under his auspices to 
attack New Orleans. The navigation of the Mississippi was 
so necessary for conveying to proper markets, the surplusage 
of their luxuriant soil, that, to gain this privilege, others 
were willing to receive it from the hands of the Spaniards, 
at the price of renouncing all political connexion with the 
United States. While these opposite modes of seeking a 
remedy for the same evil, were pursuing by persons of dif- 
ferent temperaments, a remonstrance from the inhabitants of 
KenlTicky was presented to Washington and congress. — This 
demanded the use of the Mississippi, as a natural right, and 
at the same time charged the government with being under 
the influence of a local policy, which had prevented all se- 
rious efforts for the acquisition of a right which was essen- 
tial to the prosperity of the western people. It spoke the 
language of an injured people, irritated by the mal-adminis- 
tration of their public servants, and hinted the probability of 
a dismemberment of the union, if their natural rights were 
not vindicated by government. To appease these discontents, 
to restrain the French from making war on the Spaniards, 
with a force raised and embodied in the United States, and 
at the same time, by fair negotiation, to obtain the free use 
of the Mississippi from the court of Madrid, was the task 
assigned to Washington. — Difficult and delicate as it was, the 
whole was accomplished. Anterior to the receipt of the 
Kentucky remonstrance, the president, well knowing the 
discontents of the interior people, and that the publication of 
them would obstruct his views, had directed the secretary of 
state to give assurances to the governor of Kentucky, that 
every exertion was making to obtain for the western people 
the free navigation which they so much desired. The strong 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 195 

arm of goyernment was successfully exerted, to frustrate the 
expedition projected by the French minister against New 
Orleans ; and, while these matters were pending, Major 
Thomas Pinkney was appointed envoy extraordinary to the 
court of Madrid ; and in the year 1795, he concluded a treaty 
with his Catholic majesty, in which the claims of the United 
States, on the subject of boundary, and the navigation of the 
Mississippi, were fully conceded. — By these events, the dis- 
contents of the western people were removed. Tranquillity 
was restored between the Atlantic and the western states ; 
and all points in controversy between the United States and 
Spain were satisfactorily adjusted. The most important of 
these, the free navigation of the Mississippi, had been the 
subject of discussion in the hands of different negotiators, 
for almost the whole of the immediately preceding fifteen 
years. 

Great were the difficulties which Washington had to en- 
counter, in amicably settling all matters with Spain ; but 
much greater stood in the way of a peaceable adjustment of 
various grounds of controversy between the United States 
and Great Britain. 

Each of these two nations charged the other with a breach 
of the treaty of peace, in 1783 ; and each supported the 
charge against the other, with more solid arguments than 
either alleged in their own defence. 

The peace terminated the calamities of war, but was far 
from terminating the resentments which were excited by it. 
Many in the United States believed that Great Britain was 
their natural enemy, and that her views of subjecting the 
United States to her empire, were only for the present sus- 
pended. Soon after the peace, Mr. John Adams had been 
deputed, by the old congress, to negotiate a treaty between 
the United States and Great Britain ; but the latter declined 
to meet this advance of the former. While he urged on the 
court of Great Britain, the necessity imposed upon them by 
the late treaty, to evacuate their posts on the south side of 
the lakes of Canada, they retorted, that some of the states 
had, in violation of the same treaty, passed laws interposing 
legal impediments to the recovery of debts due to British 
jsybjects. 

Washington's love of justice was not weakened by parti- 



198 THE IJFE OF 

ality to his country. In a letter to a member of congress, 
he observed, " It was impolitic and unfortunate, if not un- 
just, in those states to pass laws, which, by fair construction, 
might be considered as infractions of the treaty of peace. Jt is 
good policy, at all times, to place one's adversary in the 
wrong. Had we observed good faith, and the western posts 
had been withheld from us by Great Britain, we migli4-i*i£vve 
appealed to God and man for justice." 

'* What a misfortune is it," said he, in another letter, 
*' that the British should have so well groimded a pretext for 
their palpable infractions ; and what a disgraceful part, out 
of the choice of difficulties before us, are we to act !" 

In the first years of Washington's presidency, he took in- 
formal measures to sound the British cabinet, and to ascertain 
its views respecting the United States To Mr. Gouverneur 
Morris, who had been carried by private business to Eu- 
rope, this negotiation was intrusted. He conducted it with 
ability ; but found no disposition in the court of Great Britain 
to accede to the wishes of the United States. In about two 
years more, when the stability and energy of the govern- 
ment, as administered by Washington, became a matter of 
public notoriety, the British, of their own motion, sent Mr. 
Hammond, their first minister to the United States. This 
advance induced the president to nominate Mr. Thomas 
Pinkney, as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Great 
Britain. \ . 

About this time, a war commenced between France 'and 
Great Britain. The correct, sound judgment of Washington, 
instantly decided, that a perfect neutrality was the right, the 
duty, and the interest, of the United States ; and of this he 
gave public notice by a proclamation, in April, 1793. Sub- 
sequent events have proved the wisdom of this measure, 
though it was theji reprobated by many. The war between 
the late enemies and friends of the United States, revived 
revolutionary feelings in the breasts of the citizens, and en- 
listed the strongest passions of human nature against the one, 
and in favour of the other. — A wish for the success of France 
was almost universal ; and many were willing to hazard the 
peace of their country, by taking an active part in the war in 
her favour. The proclamation was at variance with the feelings 
and the passions of a large portion of the citizens. To com- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 197 

pel the observance of neutrality, under these circumstances, 
was no easy matter. Hitherto, Washington had the people 
with him ; but in this case, a large proportion was on the 
other side. His resolution was nevertheless unshaken ; and, 
at the risk of popularity, he persisted in promoting the real 
good of liis fellow-citizens, in opposition to their own mis- 
taken wishes and views. 

The tide of popular opinion ran as strongly against Britain, 
as in favour of France. The former was accused of instigat- 
ing the Indians to acts of hostility against the United States ; 
of impressing their sailors ; of illegally capturing their ships ; 
and of stirring up the Algerines against them. The whole 
of this hostility was referred to a jealousy of the growing 
importance of the United States. Motions were made in 
congress, for sequestrating debts due to British svibjects ; for 
entering into commercial hostility with Great Britain, and 
even for interdicting all intercourse with her, till she pursued 
other measures with respect to the United States. — Every 
appearance portended immediafife war between the two coun- 
tries. The passionate admirers of France wished for it; 
while others, more attached to British systems, dreaded a 
war with Great Britain, as being likely to throw the United 
States into the arms of France. In this state of things, when 
war seemed inevitable, the president composed the troubled 
scene, by nominating John Jay, in April, 1794, envoy ex- 
traordinary to the court of London. By this measure, a truce 
was obtained ; and that finally ended in an adjustment of the 
points in controversy between the two countries. — The ex- 
ercise of the constitutional right of the president to negotiate, 
virtually suspended all hostile legislative measures ; for these 
could not, with delicacy or propriety, be urged, while the ex- 
ecutive was in the act of treating for an amicable adjustment 
of differences. A treaty between the United States and Great 
Britain, was the result of this mission. This was pronounced 
by Mr. Jay, ** to be the best that was attainable, and which 
he believed it for the mterest of the United States to accept.'* 
While the treaty was before the senate for consideration, a 
member, contrary 'to the rules of that body, furnished an edit- 
or of a newspaper with a copy. — This being published, oper- 
ated like a spark of fire applied to combustible materials. 
The angry passions, which for some short time had beea 

r2 



198 THE LIFE OP 

smothered, broke out afresh. Some went so far as to pro- 
nounce the treaty a surrender of their power to their late 
enemy, Great Britain, and a dereliction of their tried friend 
and ally, France. The more moderate said, that too much 
was given, and too little received. Meetings of the people 
were held at Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, 
Charleston, and several other places, in which the treaty was 
pronounced to be unworthy of acceptance, and petitions were 
agreed upon and forwarded to the president, urging him to 
refuse his signature to the obnoxious instrument. 

These agitations furnished matter for serious reflexion to 
the president, but they did not affect his conduct, though 
they induced a reiterated examination of the subject. In a 
private letter to a friend, after reciting the importance of the 
crisis, he added, " There is but one straight course, and that 
is, to seek truth, and to pursue it steadily," It is probable, 
that he had eaily made up liis mind to ratify the treaty, as 
better than none, and infinitely better than war ; but regretted 
that it was so generally disliked, and considered by many as 
made with a design to oppress the French Republic. Under 
the weight of his liigh responsibility, he coni^oled himself, 
*' that in time, when passion shall have yielded to reason, 
the current may possibly turn." — Peace with all the world, 
was his policy, where it could be preserved with honour. 
War he considered as an evil of such magnitude, as never to 
be entered upon without the most imperious necessity. The 
mission of Mr. Jay was his last effort for the preservation of 
peace v/ith Great Britain. The rejection of the treaty which 
resulted from this mission, he considered as the harbinger of 
war ; for negotiation having failed to redress grievances, no 
alternative but war was left. By this prudent conduct, the 
rising stales were preserved in peace, but the bickerings of 
the citizens amongst themselves, and their animosities against 
Great Britain, still continued. — The popularity of General 
Washington, for the present was diminished ; but this he had 
expected. In a letter to general Knox, he observes, "Next 
to a conscientious discliarge of my public duties, to carry 
along with me the approbation of my constituents, would be 
the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible. 
But the latter being secondary, I cannot make the former 
yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 199 

if they are not party meetings, can be discovered as the touch- 
stone of public sentiment. If any person on earth could, or 
the Great Power above would erect the standard of infalli- 
bility in political opinions, no being that inhabits this terres- 
trial globe, would resort to it with more eagerness than my- 
self, so long as I remain a servant of the public. But as I 
have hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions, 
and close investigation, I shall adhere to them while I keep 
the watch." 

After the treaty was duly ratified, an attempt was made to 
render it a dead letter, by refusing the appropriations of money 
necessary to carry it into effect. Preparatory to this, a mo- 
tion was made for the adoption of a resolution to request the 
president to lay before the house of representatives a copy of 
his instructions to Mr. Jay, together with the correspondence 
and other documents relative to the treaty with Great Bri- 
tain. This involved a new question, where the treaty-making 
power was constitutionally lodged ? The debate was animat- 
ed and vehement. Appeals were made both to reason and pas- 
sion. After a discussion of more than twenty days, the mo- 
tion was carried in the affirmative, by a majority of twenty- 
five votes. — When the resolution was presented to the presi- 
dent, he replied, *' that he would take time to consider it," 
His situation was peculiarly delicate ; the passions of the 
people were strongly excited against the treaty ; the popu- 
larity of the demand being solely for information ; the large 
majority by which the vote was carried; the suspicions that 
would probably attach in case of refusal, that circumstances 
had occurred in the course of the negotiation which the pre- 
sident was afraid to publish, added to other weighty consid- 
erations, would have induced minds of an ordinary texture, 
to yield to the request. — With Washington, popularity was 
only a secondary object. To follow the path of duty and the 
public good, was a primary one. He had sworn to " pre- 
serve, protect, and defend the constitution." In his opinion, 
the treaty-making power was exclusively given by the peo- 
ple, in convention, to the executive, and the public good require 
ed that it should be so exercised. Under the influence of these 
solemn obligations, he returned the following answer to tha 
resolution which had been presented to him ; 



aOO THE LIFE OF 

" Gentlemen of the House of Representatives^ 

** With the utmost attention, I have considered your reso- 
lution of the 24th instant, requesting me to lay before your 
house a copy of the instructions to the minister of the Unit- 
ed States, who negotiated the treaty with the king of Great 
Britain, together with the correspondence and other docu- 
ments relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said 
papers as any existing negotiations may render improper to 
be disclosed. 

" In deliberating upon this subject, it was impossible for 
me to lose sight of the principle which some have avowed 
in its discussion, or to avoid extending my views to the con- 
sequences which must flow from the admission of that prin- 
ciple. 

*' I trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a 
disposition to withhold any information which the constitu- 
tion has enjoined it upon the president as a duty to give, or 
which could be required of him by either house of congress 
as a right ; and with truth I affirm, that it has been, as it 
will continue to be, while I have the honour to preside in the 
government, my constant endeavour to harmonize with the 
other branches thereof, so far as the trust delegated to me by 
the people of the United States, and fliy sense of the obliga- 
tion it imposes, to preserve, protect, and defend the constitu- 
tion, will permit. \ 

" The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and 
their success must often depend on secrecy ; and even when 
brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, 
demands, or eventual concessions, which may have been pro- 
posed or contemplated, would be extremely impolitic ; for 
this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, 
or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and 
mischief, to other persons. The necessity of such caution 
and secrecy, was one cogent reason for vesting. the power of 
making treaties in the president, with tlie advice and consent 
of the senate, the principle on which that body was formed, 
confining it to a small number of members. 

" To admit, then, a right in tiie house of representatives 
to demand, and to have, as a matter of course, all the papers 
respecting a negotiation with a foreign power, would be to 
establish a dangerous precedent. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 201 

*' It does not occur, that the inspection of the papers asked 
for, can be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of 
the house of representatives, except that of an impeachment, 
which the resolution has not expressed. I repeat that I hare 
no disposition to withhold any information M^hich the duty of 
my station will permit, or the publtc good shall require to be 
disclosed ; and in fact ail the papers affecting the negotiation 
with Great Britain, were laid before the senate when the 
treaty itself was communicated for their consideration and 
advice. 

" The course which the debate has taken on the* resolu- 
tion of the house, leads to some observations on the mode 
of making treaties under the constitution of the United 
States. 

" Having been a member of the general convention, and 
knowing the principles on which the constitution was form- 
ed, I have ever entertained but one opinion upon this sub- 
ject, and from the first establishment of the government to 
this moment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion, 
"That the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in 
the president, by and with the advice and consent of the sen- 
ate, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur ; and 
that every treaty so made and promulgated, thenceforward 
becomes the law of the land." — It is thus, that the treaty- 
making power has been understood by foreign nations ; and 
in all the treaties made with them, we have declared, and 
they have believed, that, when ratified by the president, with 
the advice and consent of the senate, they become obligatory. 
In this construction of the constitution, every house of repre- 
sentatives has heretofore acquiesced, and until the present 
time, not a doubt or suspicion has appeared to my knowledge 
that this construction was not the true one. Nay, they have 
more than acquiesced ; for until now, without controverting 
the obligation of such treaties, they have made all the requi- 
site provisions for carrying them into effect. 

" There is also reason to believe, that this construction 
agrees with the opinions entertained by the state conventions, 
when they were deliberating on the constitution, especially 
by those who objected to it ; because there was not required 
in commercial treaties the consent of two-thirds of the whole 
number of the members of the senate, instead of two-thirds 



202 THE LIFE OF 

of the senators present ; and because, in treaties respecting 
territorial and certain other rights and claims, the concur- 
rence of three-fourths of the whole number of the members 
of both houses respectively was not made necessary. 

•* It is a fact, declared by the general convention, and uni 
versally understood, that the constitution of the United States 
was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession ; 
and it is well known, that, under this influence, the smaller 
stales were admitted to an equal representation in the senate 
with the larger states, and that this branch of the government 
was invested with great powers ; for, on the equal participa 
tion of those powers, the sovereignty and political safety of 
the smaller states were deemed essentially to depend. 

** If other proofs than these, and the plain letter of the 
constitution itself, be necessary to ascertain the point under 
consideration, they may be found in the journals of the gen- 
eral convention, which I have deposited in the office of the 
department of state. In these journals, it will appear, that a 
proposition was made "that no treaty should be binding on 
the United States which was not ratified by a law ;" and 
that the proposition was explicitly rejected. 

" As, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding, 
that the assent of the house of representatives is not neces- 
sary to the validity of a treaty ; as the treaty with Great Bri- 
tain exhibits in itself all the objects requiring legislative pro- 
vision, and on these, the papers called for can throw no light; 
and as it is essential to the due administration of the govern- 
ment, that the boundaries fixed by the constitution between 
the different departments should be preserved ; a just regard 
to the constitution and to the duty of my office, under all 
the circumstances of this case, forbid a compliance with your 
request." 

Though the call for papers was unsuccessful, the favourers 
of the resolution for that purpose opposed the appropriations 
necessary to carry the treaty into effect ; but from the firm' 
ness of the president, the ground was altered. The treaty 
was ratified, and proclaimed to the public as constitutionally 
obligatory on the citizens. To refuse appropriations for car* 
rying it into effect, would not only incur the high responsi- 
bility of breaking the public faith, but make a schism in the 
government, between the executive and legislative depart* 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 903 

ments. — After long and vehement debates, in which argnmcnt 
and passion were both resorted to, with the view of exposing 
the merits and demerits of the treaty, the resolution for bring- 
ing in the laws necessary to carry it into effect, was carried 
by a majority of three. Though in this discussion Washing- 
ton had no direct agency, yet the final result in favour of the 
treaty was the consequence of the measures which he had 
previously adopted. Having ratified the treaty, and publish- 
ed it to the world as the law of the land ; and, having in his 
answer to the request of the house of representatives, proved 
that he had a constitutional right so to do, the laws neces- 
sary for giving effect to the treaty, could not be withheld, 
without hazarding the most serious consequences. 

The treaty thus carried into operation, produced more 
good, and less evil, than was apprehended. It compromised 
ancient differences, produced amicable dispositions, and a 
friendly intercourse. It induced a peaceable surrender of the 
British posts, and compensation for American vessels illegally 
captured. Though it abandoned some favourite principles, 
and some of its articles relative to commerce were deemed 
unequal, yet, from Britain, as a great naval power, holding 
valuable colonies and foreign possessions, nothing better, 
either with or without the treaty, could have been obtained. 

After the lapse of ten years has cooled the minds, both of 
the friends and the enemies of the treaty, most men will ac- 
knowledge, that the measures adopted by Washington, with 
respect to it, were founded in wisdom; proceeded from the 
purest patriotism ; were carried through with uncommon 
firmness ; and finally eventuated in advancing the interests of 
his country. 

If the ratification of the treaty increased the number of its 
open advocates, by stimulating the friends of the administra- 
tion to exert themselves in its defence, it seemed also to give 
increased acrimony to the opposition. Such hold had the 
president taken of the affections of the people, that even his 
Bneraies had deemed it gen3rally necpssary to preserve, with 
regard to him, exterior marks of decency and respect. Pre- 
viouB to the mission of Mr. Jay, charges against the chief 
magistrate, though frequently insinuated, had seldom been 
directly made; and the cover under which the attacks upon 
his character were conducted, evidenced the caution widh 



204 THE LIFE OF 

which it was deemed necessary to proceed. — That mission 
visibly affected the decorum which had been usually observ- 
ed towards him ; and the ratification of the treaty brought 
into open view, sensations which had long been ill concealed. 
With equal virulence, the military and political character of 
the president was attacked, and he was averred to be totally 
destitute of merit, either as a soldier or a statesman. The 
calumnies with which he was assailed, were not confined to 
his public conduct. Even his qualities as a man, were the 
subjects of detraction. — That he had violated the constitution, 
in negotiating a treaty without the previous advice of the 
senate, and in embracing within the treaty subjects belonging 
exclusively to the legislature, were openly maintained, for 
which an impeachment was publicly suggested ; and that he 
had drawn from his treasury, for his private use, more thaii 
the salary annexed to his office, was unblushingly asserted. 
This last allegation was said to be supported by extracts 
from tfhe treasury — accounts which had been laid before the 
legislature, and was maintained with the most persevering 
effrontery. 

Though the secretary of the treasury denied that the ap- 
propriations made by the legislature, had ever been exceeded, 
the atrocious charge was still confidently repeated ; and the 
few who could triumph in any spot, which might tarnish the 
lustre of Washington's fame, felicitated themselves on the 
prospect of obtaining a victory over the reputation of a pa- 
triot, to whose single influence, they ascribed the failure of 
their political plans. With the real public, the confidence 
felt in the purity of the chief magistrate, remained unshaken, 
but so imposing. was the appearance of the documents ad- 
duced, as to excite an apprehension that the transaction might 
be placed in a light to show that some indiscretion, in which 
he had not participated, had been inadvertently committed. 

This state of anxious suspense, was of short duration. 
The late secretary of the treasury, Mr. Hamilton, during 
whose administration of the finances, this peculation was 
said to have occurred, came forward with a full explanation 
of the fact. It appeared, that the president himself had never 
touched any part of the compensation annexed to his office, but 
that the whole was received and disbursed by the gentleman 
who superintended the expenses of his liousehold ; that it 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 205 

was the practice of the treasury, when a sum had been ap- 
propriated for the current year, to pay it to that gentleman 
occasionally, as the situation of the family might require. 
The expenses, at some periods of the year, exceeded, and at 
others fell short of the allowance for the quarter ; so that 
at some times money was paid in advance on account of 
the ensuing quarter ; and at others, that which ^ was due 
at the end of the quarter, was not completely drawn out. 

When possessed of the entire fact, the public viewed, with 
just indignation, this attempt to defame a character, which 
was the nation's pride. Americans felt themselves affected 
by this atrocious calumny on their most illustrious citizen, 
and its propagators were frowned into silence. 
f Thorny and difficult as was the line of policy proper to be 
pursued by Washington with respect to Britain, it was much 
more so in regard to France. The revolution in France, and 
the establishment of the constitution of the United States, 
were nearly cotemporary events. Until about the year 1793, 
perfect harmony subsisted between the two countries ; but, 
from the commencement of the war between France and 
England, the greatest address was necessary, to prevent the 
United States from being involved in war with one or the 
other, and sometimes with both. — Good will to Franee, 
and hatred to Britain, which had prevailed more or less from 
the peace of 1783, revived, with great increase of force, on 
the breaking out of war between the two countries. These 
dispositions were greatly increased by the arrival of Mr. 
Genet, the first minister plenipotentiary from the republic of 
France to the United States. He landed on the 8th of April, 
1793, at Charleston, S. C. the contiguity of which port to 
tjie West Indies, litted it to be a convenient resort for priva- 
teers. — By the governor of the state, William Moultrie, and 
the citizens, he was received with ardour approaching to en- 
thusiasm. During his stay, which was for several days, he 
received unequivocal proofs of the warmest attachment to his 
person, his country, and his cause. Encouraged by these 
evidences of the good wishes of the people for the success 
of the French revolution, he undertook to authorize the fitting 
and arming of vessels in that port, the enlisting of men, and 
the giving of commissions to vessels to cruise and commit 
hostilities on nations with whom the United States were at 

S 



206 THE LIFE OF 

peace. The captures made by tliese cruisers were to he tried, 
condemned, and sold, under the authority of Genet, who had 
not yet been recognised as a public minister by the govern- 
ment. 

Similar marks of enthusiastic attachment were lavished on 
Genet, as he passed through the country between Charleston 
and Philadelphia. At Gray's ferry, over the Schuylkill, he 
was met by crowds, who flocked to do honour to the first 
ambassador of a republican allied nation. On the day after 
his arrival in Philadelphia, he received addresses from socie- 
ties and the inhabitants, who expressed their gratitude for the 
aids furnished by the French nation to the United States in 
their late struggle for liberty and independence, and unbound- 
ed exultation at the success of the French arras. Genet's an- 
swers to these addresses were well calculated to preserve the 
idea of a cromplete fraternity and similarity of interests be- 
tween the two nations. 

After Genet had been thus accredited by the citizens of 
Philadelphia, he was presented to the president, and received 
with expressions of a sincere and cordial regard for his nation. 
In the conversations which occurred on the occasion, Mr. 
Genet gave the most explicit assurances that France did not 
wish to engage the United States in the war between his coun* 
try and Great Britain. 

While Mr. Genet was receiving these flattering marks of 
attention from the people, the British minister preferred a 
long catalogue of complaints against his proceedings at 
Charleston. This was founded on the acts already mentioned, 
which were calculated to make the United States instruments 
of hostility in the hands of France, against those with whom 
slie was at war. These were farther aggravated by actual 
hostilities in the territories of the United States. The ship 
Grange, a British vessel, was captured by the French frigate 
1' Ambuscade, within the capes of the Delaware, while on 
her way from Philadelphia to the ocean. Of this ship, and 
of other illegal prizes which were in the power of the 
American government, the British minister demanded resti- 
tution. 

The cabinet-council of Washington was unanimous, that 
every independent nation was exclusively sovereign in its 
own territories ; and that the proceedings complained of were 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. SOT 

unwarranted usurpations of sovereignty, and violations of neu- 
trality ; and therefore, must in future be prevented. It was 
also 'agreed, that the efficacy of the laws shduld be tried 
af-ainst those citizens of the United States who had joined in 
those offences. The restitution of the Grange was also agreed 
to ; but, on the propriety of enforcing the restitution of prizes 
made on the high seas, there was a diversity of sentiment, 
the secretaries of the treasury and of wa^gk being for it, and 
{he secretary of state and the attorney-g/pneral against it. 
The principles on which a concurrence of sentiment had 
taken place, being considered as settled, the secretary of state 
was desired to communicate them to the ministers of France 
and Britain ; and circular letters were written to the governors 
of the several states, requiring them to co-operate with force, 
if necessary, to execute the rules which had been established. 

Mr. Genet was highly dissatisfied with these determina- 
tions, and considered them as subversive of the treaty be- 
tween the United States and France. His representations 
induced a reconsideration of the subject; but, on the most 
dispassionate review, no reason appeared for an alteration 
of any part of the system. The minister of France v/as 
further informed, that, in the opinion of the president, the 
vessels which had been illegally equipped, should depart 
from the ports of the United States. 

Adhering to his own construction of the trijaty between 
France and the United States, Mr. Genet would not acqui- 
esce in those decisions of the government. Intoxicated by 
the flattering attentions which he had received, and ignorant 
of the firmness of the executive, he seems to have expected 
that the popularity of his nation and its cause, would enable 
him to undermine the executive, or render it subservient to 
his views. 

About this time, two citizens of the United States, who 
had been engaged in Charleston by Mr. Genet, to cruise in 
the service of France, were arrested by the civil authority in 
pursuance of the determination formed by government to 
prosecute persons who had offended against the laws. Mr. 
Genet demanded their release as French citizens, in the 
most extraordinary terms. This was refused, but on trial 
they were acquitted by the verdict of a jury. 

TJie minister of the French republic was encouraged in 



208 THE LIFE OF 

this line of opposition, by a belief that the sentiments of the 
people were in his favour. So extravagant was their enthu- 
siastic devotedness to France ; so acrimonious were their 
expressions against all the powers at war with the new re- 
public ; that a person less sanguine than Mr. Genet, might 
have cherished the hope of being able to succeed so far with 
the people, as, with their support, ultimately to triumph over 
the opposition which he experienced. At civic festivals, the 
ensigns of France were displayed in union with those of 
America ; the cap of liberty passed from head to head, and 
toasts were given, expressive of the fraternity of the two na- 
tions. — The proclamation of neutrality was treated as a royal 
edict, which demonstrated the disposition of the government 
to break its connexions with France, and dissolve the friend- 
ship which united the people of the two republics. The 
scenes of the revolutionary war were brought into view; the 
effects of British hostility against the United States, and of 
French aids both in men and money in their favour, were 
painted in glowing colours. The enmity of Britain to the 
United States, was represented as continuing undiminished ; 
and, in proof of it, their detention of the western posts, and 
their exciting from these stations the neiglibouring Indians 
to make war on the frontier setders, were urged with great 
vehemence, and contrasted with the amicable dispositions 
professed by the French republic. — It was indignantly asked, 
should a friend and an enemy be treated with equal favours ? 
By declamations of this kind, daily issuing from, the press, 
the public mind was so inflamed against the executive, that 
Genet, calculating on the partialities of the people, openly in- 
sulted the government ; and, adhering to his own construction 
of the treaty, that he had a right to do as he had done, threaten- 
ed to appeal lO the sovereign people, against their president. 

To preserve neutrality in such a crisis, was no easy mat- 
ter. Adhering to the principles avowed in his late procla- 
mation, and embodied in the declaration of independence, 
" that the United States would hold all mankind enemies in war, 
and friends in peace," Washington exerted all his authority and 
influence, to keep the balance even between the belligerents.* 

* If Washington and Horace had been cotemporaries, the world would have 
Bupposed thai ihe latter had the former in his eye, when he penned his faraoiis 
ode :— 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 209 

It was at length resolved by Washington, to instruct Mr. 
Morris, the minister of the United States at Paris, to request 
the recall of Mr. Genet; and also to furnish Mr. Morris 
with all the necessary documents, to evince the propriety of 
the request. What was asked, was granted ; and Mr. Ge- 
net's conduct was disapproved by his government. Mr. 
Fauchet was appointed his successor, and he was succeeded 
by Mr. Adet. The latter brought with him the colours of 
France, which he was directed to present to the United States. 
To answer the animated speech of Mr. Adet on his present- 
ing the colours, required address. The occasion required 
something affectionate and complimentary to the French na- 
tion ; and yet the guarded policy of Washington forbade the 
utterance of any sentiments which might be improper in the 
chief magistrate of a neutral country, when addressing the 
representative of one of the belligerent powers. Impressed 
with this double view, the president made the following reply : 

" Born, sir, in a land of liberty ; having early learned its 
value ; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it ; 
having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure 
its permanent establishment in my own country ; my anxious 
recollections ; my sympathetic feelings ; and my best wishes, 
are irresistibly attracted, whensoever, in any country, I see 
an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom. But 
above all, the events of the French revolution have produced 
the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. To 
call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. 
Wonderful people ! ages to come will read with astonishment 
the history of your brilliant exploits. — -I rejoice that the pe- 
riod of your toils and of your immense sacrifices, is approach- 
ing. I rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements 
of so many years have issued in the formation of a constitu- 
tution designed to give permanency to the great object for 
which you have contended, I rejoice that liberty, which 
you have so long embraced with enthusiasm ; liberty, of 
which you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an 
asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized government ; 

" Justum et tenacem propositi virum 
Non civium ardor pravo jubentium, 
Non vultus instantis tyranni 
Mente quatit solida " 

S2 



210 THE LIFE OF 

a government, which, being formed to secure the happiness 
of the French people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of 
my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the 
United States by its resemblance to their own. On these 
glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere congratulations. 

" In delivering to you these sentiments, I express not my 
own feelings only, but those of my fellow-citizens, in relation 
to the commencement, the progress, and the issue, of the 
French revolution, and they will certainly join with me in 
purest wishes to the Supreme Being, that the citizens of our 
sister republic, our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy in 
peace that liberty which they have purchased at so great a 
price, and all the happiness that liberty can bestow. 

" 1 receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the 
triumphs and of the infranchisement of your nation, the 
colours of France, which you have now presented to the- 
United States. The transaction will be announced to con- 
gress, and the colours will be deposited with the archives of 
the United States, which are at once the evidence and the 
memorials of their freedom and independence. May these 
be perpetual, and may the friendship of the two republics be 
commensurate with their existence." 

The successors of Genet continued to tread in his steps, 
but with less violence. They made frequent complaints of 
particular cases of hardship, arising out of the war, and out 
of the rules whicli had been established by the executive, 
with regard to ships of war, cruisers, and their prizes. They 
complained particcdarly, that, in the treaty with Great Bri- 
tain, the principle of " free ships making free goods," was 
abandoned ; and urged the injustice, while French cruisers 
were restrained by treaty from taking English goods out of 
American bottoms, that English cruisers should be liberated 
from the same restraint. — In vain, did the executive show a 
willingness to release France from the pressure of a situation 
in which she had voluntarily placed herself. Private expla- 
nations were made, that neither the late treaty made with 
Britain, nor the arrangements growing out of it, furnished 
any real cause of complaint to France. With the same con- 
ciliatory view, Washington appointed general Pinkney min* 
ister plenipotentiary to the French republic, " to maintain 
that good understanding, which, from the commencement of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 211 

the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations, and to 
efface unfavourable impressions, banish suspicion, and restore 
that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge 
of a friendly union." — The directory having inspected his 
letter of credence, announced their haughty determination, 
*' not to receive another minister from the United States, un- 
til after a redress of grievances demanded of the American 
government, which the French republic had a right to expect 
from it." This was followed by a written mandate to gen- 
eral Pinkney, to quit the territories of the republic. To 
complete the system of hostility, American vessels, wher- 
ever found, were captured by the French cruisers. 

From this mission, Washington expected an adjustmeni 
of all points in dispute between France and the United States. 
In his opinion, its failure was owing to a belief that the 
American people were in unison with France, and in oppo- 
sition to their own government ; and that high toned mea- 
sures on the part of France, would induce a change of rulers 
in the United States. Before the result of the mission was 
known, Washington had, at his own request, ceased to be 
president. — Having -made peace with the Indians, and ad- 
justed all matter in dispute with both Spain and Britain, and 
hoping that an accommodation would soon take place with 
France, after eight years' service in the high oflice of presi- 
dent, at the commencement of which period he found the 
United States in a miserable state of depression, and at its 
conclusion, left them advancing v;ith gigantic steps, in agri- 
culture, commerce, wealth, credit, and reputation, and being 
in the sixty-sixth year of liis age, he announced his intention 
of declining a re-election, in full time for the people to make 
up their mind in the choice of his successor. This was 
done in an address to the people of the United States, in the 
following words : 

*' Friends and Felloy^- Citizens, 
" The period for a new election of a. citizen to administer 
the executive government of the United States, being not far 
distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts 
must be employed in designating the person who is to be 
clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, es- 
pecially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of 



212 THE LIFE OF 

the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the reso- 
lution I have formed, to decline being considered among the 
number of those out of whom the choice is to be made. 

" I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be 
assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a 
strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the re- 
lation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that 
in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my 
situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of 
zeal for your future interests; no deficiency of grateful re- 
spect for your past kindness ; but am supported by a full con- 
viction, that the step is compatible with both. 

" The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the of- 
fice to which your suflrages have twice called me, have been 
a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to 
a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constant- 
ly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, 
consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to dis 
regard, to return to that retirement from which I had been 
reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do 
this, previous to the last election, had even led to the prepa- 
ration of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection 
on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with 
foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled 
to my confidence, impelled- me to abandon the idea. 

'* I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well 
as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination in- 
compatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am 
persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my ser- 
vices, that in the present circumstances of our country, you 
will not disapprove of my determination to retire. 

*' The impressions with which I first undertook the ardu- 
ous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the dis- 
charge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good 
intentions, contributed toward the organization and adminis- 
tration of the government, the best exertions of which a very 
fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, 
of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my own 
eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, have strength- 
ened the motives to diffidence of mysell", and every day the 
increasing weight of years, admoniBhes me more and nioie^ 



EORGE WASHINGTON. 213 

that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it would 
be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances- have given 
peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have 
the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence 
invite me to quit tire political scene, patriotism does not for- 
bid it. 

" In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate 
the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me 
to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude 
which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours 
it has conferred upon me ; still more for tlie steadfast confi- 
dence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportu- 
nities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable at- 
tachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in 
usefulness unequal to my zeal. — If benefits have resulted to 
our country from these services, let it always be remember- 
ed to your praise, and as an instructive example in our an- 
nals, that, under circumstances in which the passions, agita- 
ted in every direction, were liable to mislead ; amidst ap- 
pearances sometimes dubious ; vicissitudes of fortune often 
discouraging ; in situations in which not unfrequently want 
©f success has countenanced the spirit of criticism ; the con- 
gtancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts 
and a guarantee of the plans by which they 'were effected . — 
Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with 
me to my grave, as a strong incitement to increasing wishes, 
that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its 
beneficence ; that your union and brotherly aflection may be 
perpetual ; that the froe constitution which is the work of 
your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its administra- 
tion in every department may be stamped with Avisdom and 
virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these 
states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made com- 
plete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of 
this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommend- 
ing it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of 
every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

" Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your 
welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the appre- 
hension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an 
occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contempla- 



214 THE LIFE OF 

tion, and to recommend to your frequent review, some senti- 
ments, which are the result of much reflection, of no incon- 
siderable observation, and which appear to me all-important 
to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will 
be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see 
in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who 
can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. 
Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent 
reception of my sentiments on a former, and not dissimilar oc- 
casion. 

" Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament 
of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to 
fq^rtify or confirm the attachment. 

" The unity of government, which constitutes you one 
people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a 
main pillar in the edifice of your real independence ; the sup- 
port of your tranquillity at home ; your peace abroad ; of 
your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which 
you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from 
different causes and from different quarters, much pains will 
be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds 
the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your polit- 
ical fortress, against which the batteries of internal and exter- 
nal enemies will be most constantly and actively, though 
often covertly and insidiously, directed ; it is of infinite mO' 
ment that you should properly estimate the immense value 
of your national union, to your collective and individual hap- 
piness ; that you sliould cherish a cordial, habitual, and im- 
moveable attachment to it, accustoniing yourselves to think 
and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety 
and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous 
anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a sus- 
picion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indig- 
nantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to 
alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to en- 
feeble the sacred ties which now link together the various 
parts. 

" For this, you have every inducement of sympathy and 
interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country^ 
that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The 
name of American, which belongs to you in your national cm 



GEORGE WASmNGtON. ^15 

picity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more 
Ihan any appellation derived from local discriminations. 
With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, 
manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a 
common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the inde- 
pendence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint coun- 
cils, and joint efforts ; of common dangers, sufferings, and 
successes. 

" But these considerations, however powerfully they ad- 
dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed 
by those which apply more immediately to your interest. 
Here, every portion of our country finds the most command- 
ing motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union 
of the whole. 

*' The norths in an unrestrained intercourse with the souths 
protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds 
in the production of the latter, great additional resources of 
maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials 
of manufacturing industry. The souths in the same inter- 
course, benefiting by the agency of the norths sees its agri- 
culture' grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into 
its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its parti- 
cular navigation invigorated ; and while it contributes, in dif- 
ferent ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the 
national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a 
maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. — » 
The east, in like intercourse with the loest, already finds, 
and in the progressive improvement of interior communica- 
tions, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable 
vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or 
manufactures at home. The ivest derives from the east, sup- 
plies requisite to its growth and comfort ; and, what is per- 
haps of still greater consequence, it m.ust of necessity owe 
the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own 
productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime 
strength of the Atlantic side of the union, directed by an in- 
dissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other 
tenure by which the west can hold this essential advantage, 
whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an 
apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, 
must be iatrinsically precarious. 



216 'THE LIFE OF 

" While, then, every part of our country thus feels an im- 
mediate and particular interest in union, all the parts com- 
bined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of means and ef- 
forts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably great- 
er security from external danger, a less frequent interruption 
of their peace by foreign nations ; and, what is of inestima- 
ble value, they must derive from union an exemption from 
those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequent- 
ly afflict neiglibouring countries, not tied together by the 
same government, which their own rivalships alone would 
be sufficient to produce ; but which opposite foreign alli- 
ances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embit- 
ter. — Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those 
overgrown military establishments, which, under any form 
of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to 
be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In 
this sense, it is, that your union ought to be considered as a 
main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought 
to endear to you the preservation of the other. 

"These considerations speak a persuasive language to 
every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continu- 
ance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is 
there a doubt whether a common government can embrace 
60 large a sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to 
mere speculation in such a case, were criminal. We are au- 
thorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, 
with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective 
subdivisions, will aflbrd a happy issue to the experiment. It 
is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such pow- 
erful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of 
our country, vv^hile experience shall no!, have demonstrated its 
impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the 
patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavour to 
weaken its bands. 

*' In contemplating the causes which may disturb out 
union, it occurs, as matter of serious concern, that any ground 
should have been furnished for characterizing parties by ge- 
ographical discriminations ; Northern and Southern, Atlan- 
tic and Western; whence designinp- j len may endeavour to 
excite a belief that there is a real di:. ence of local interests 
and views. One of the expedients o- party to acquire influ- 



GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 217 

ence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opin- 
ions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield your- 
selves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings 
which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to 
render alien to each other, those who ought to be bound to- 
gether by fraternal affection. — The inhabitants of our west- 
ern country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. 
They have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in 
the unanimous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with 
Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event through- 
out the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were 
the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the gen- 
eral government, and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to 
their interests in regard to the Mississippi. — They have been 
witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great 
Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every 
thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, 
toward confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wis- 
dom to rely, for the preservation of these advantages, on the 
union by which they were procured? Will they not hence- 
forth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would 
sever them from their brethren, and connect them with 
aliens ? 

"To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a gov- 
ernment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, how- 
ever strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute ; 
they must inevitably experience the infractions and interrup- 
tions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sen- 
I sible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your 
first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of governmerft, 
I better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, 
I and for the efficacious management of your common con- 
I cerns. — This government, the offspring of our own choice, 
uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation 
I and mature deliberation ; completely free in its principles ; 
I in the distribution of its powers uniting security with ener- 
1 gy ; and containing within itself a provision for its own 
1 amendments, has a just claim to your confidence and your 
j support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, 
j acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fun- 
damental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political 

T 



218 THE LIFE OF 

systems is the right of the people to make and to alter theif 
constitutions of government. But the constitution Avhich at 
any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic 
act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The 
very idea of the power and the right of the people to estab- 
lish a government, presupposes the duty of every individual 
to obey the established government. 

" All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combi- 
nations and associations, under whatever plausible character, 
with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the 
regular deliberations and actions of the constituted authori- 
ties, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal 
tendency. The}^ serve to organize faction, to give it an arti- 
ficial and extraordinary force ; to put in the place of the de- 
legated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small, but 
artful and enterprising mmority of the community ; and ac- 
cording to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make 
the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and 
incongruous projects of faction, rather than the oigan of con- 
sistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, 
and modified by mutual interests. 

" However combinations or associations of the above des-* 
cription may now and then ainswer popular ends, they are 
likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent en- 
gines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, 
will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to 
usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroying 
afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust 
pminion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and the 
permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not 
only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to 
its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care 
the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious 
the pretexts. One method of assault may be, to effect in the 
forms of the constitution alterations which will impair the 
energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be 
directly overthrown. — In ail the changes to wliich you may 
be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as ne- 
cessary to iix the true character of governments, as of other 
human institutions j that experience is the surest standard. 



^ 



il 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 219 

by which to test the real tendency of the existing- constitution 
of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the credit of 
mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, 
from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and re- 
member, especially, that for the efficient management of your 
common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a gov- 
ernment of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect 
security of liberty, is indispensable. — Liberty itself will find 
in such a government, with powers properly distributed and 
adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a 
name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the 
enterprizes of faction, to confine each member of the society 
within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all 
in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of tlie rights cf person 
and property. 

" I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in 
the state, with particular references to the founding of them 
on geographical discriminations. liet me now take a more 
comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn man- 
ner against the baneful efiects of the spirit of party, gener- 
ally. 

" This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, 
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. 
It exists under diflferent shapes in all governments, more or 
less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popu- 
lar form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their 
worst enemy. 

" The alternate domination of one faction over another, 
sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissen- 
sion, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated 
the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. 
But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent des- 
potism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually 
incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the 
absolute power of an individual, and, sooner or later, the 
chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate 
than his competitors, turns his disposition to the purposes of 
his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. 

" Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, 
which nevertheless ought not to be entirely ought of sight, 
jJie common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party, 



220 THE LIFE OF 

are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise peo- 
ple to discourage and restrain it. 

" It serves always to distract the public councils, and en- 
feeble the pulblic administration. It agitates the community 
with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the 
animosity of one party against another ; foments occasional 
riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence 
and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the govern- 
ment itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus 
the policy and the will of one country, are subjected to the 
policy and will of another. 

" There is an opinion that parties in free countries are 
useful checks upon the administration of the government, 
and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within 
certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a 
monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if 
not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those of 
the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a 
spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, 
it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for 
every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger 
of excess, the eftbrt ought to be, by force of public opinion, 
to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it 
demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a 
flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. 

" It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in 
a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with 
its administration, to confine themselves within their respect- 
ive constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the 
powers of one department to encroach upon another. The 
spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of 
all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the 
form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of 
that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predo- 
minate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the 
truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks 
in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distribut- 
ing it into different depositories, and constituting each the 
guardian of the public weal against invasions of the others, 
has beeai evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; some 
of them in our country and under our own eyes. To prf- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 221 

serve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, 
in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification 
of the constitutional powers, be in any particular wrong, let 
it be corrected by an amendment in \Ae way which the con- 
stitution designates. But let there be no change by usurp- 
ation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instru- 
ment of good, it is the customary weapon by which free 
governments are destroyed. The precedent must always 
greatly overbalance in permanent evil^^ny partial or tran- 
sient benefit which the use can at any time yield. 

" Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political 
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. 
In vain, would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who 
should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happi- 
ness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. 
The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to 
respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all 
their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it 
simply be asked, where is the security for property, for re- 
putation, for life^ if the sense of religious obligation desert 
the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in 
courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the sup- 
position, that morality can be maintained without religion. 
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined edu- 
cation on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience 
both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in 
exclusion of religious principles. 

*' It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a ne- 
cessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, 
extends with more or less force to every species of free gov- 
ernment. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with 
indifierence upon attempts to shake the foundation of the 
fabric ! 

" Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, in- 
stitutions for the general difiusion of knowledge. In pro- 
portion as the structure of a government gives force to pub- 
lic opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be 
enlightened. 

" As a very important source of strength and security, 
cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to 
use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense 

T 3 



S22 THE LIFE OP 

by cultivating peace : but remembering also, that timely 
disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent 
much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding likewise 
the accumulation of debt, not only J?y shunning occasions 
of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to 
discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occa- 
sioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden 
which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these 
maxims belongs to your representatives ; but it is necessary 
that public ophiion should co-operate. — To facilitate to them 
the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should 
practically bear in mind, that toward the payment of debts 
there must be revenue ; that to have re^'enue there must be 
taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or 
less inconvenient and unpleasant; -tbat tlie intrinsic embar- 
rassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, 
which is always a choice of difiiculties, ought to be a deci- 
sive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the 
government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in 
the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exi- 
gencies may at any time dictate. 

" Observe good faith and justice toward all nations; cul- 
tivate peace and harmony with all ; religion and morality 
enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not 
equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, 
and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind 
the magnanimous, and too novel example, of a people al- 
ways guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who 
can doubt, that in the course of time and things, the fruits 
of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages 
which might be lost by a steady adherence to it. Can it 
be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity 
of a nation wdth its virtue ? The experiment at least, is re- 
commended by every sentiment which ennobles human na- 
ture. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? 

" In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen- 
tial than that permanent inveterate antipathies against parti- 
cular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should 
be excluded, and that in place of them, just and amicable 
feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which 
indulges toward another an habitual hatred, or .an habitual 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 223 

fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its ani- 
mosity or to its affection, either of vt^hicli is sufficient to lead 
it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in o.: 3 
nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer 
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, 
and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trilling 
occasions of dispute occur. 

" Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and 
bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and re- 
sentment, sometimes impelled to war the government, con- 
trary to the best calculations of policy. The government 
sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts 
through passion, what reason would reject; at other times 
it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects 
of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister 
and pernicious motives. The peace, often, sometimes per- 
haps the liberty of nations, has been the victim. 

" So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for 
another, produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the fa- 
vourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary com- 
mon interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, 
and inlasing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the 
former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the 
latter, without adequate inducements or justification. — It 
leads also to concessioijs to the favourite nation, af privileges 
denied to others, which are apt doubly to injure the nation 
making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what 
ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill 
will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom 
equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, 
corrupted, or deluded citizens, who devote themselves to 
the favourite nation, facility to betray, or sacrifice the inte- 
rests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even 
with popularity, gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous 
sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opi- 
nion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish 
compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 

" As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, 
such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly en- 
lightened and independent patriot. How many opportuni- 
4ies do they afford to tamper with domestic lotions, to prac- 



224 THE LIFE OF 

tise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to in- 
fluence or awe the public council ! Such an attachment of 
a small or weak, toward a great and powerful nation, dooms 
the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insi- 
dious wiles of foreign influence, I conjure you to l^elieve 
me, fellow citizens, the jealousy of a free people ought to 
be constantly awake ; since history and experience prove, 
that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of re- 
publican government. — But that jealousy, to be useful, must 
be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very 
influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Ex- 
cessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dis- 
like of another, cause those whom they actuate to see dan- 
ger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the 
arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may re- 
sist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become sus- 
pected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the ap- 
plause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interest. 

" The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign 
nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have 
with them as litde political connexions as possible. So far 
as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled 
with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 

" Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have 
none, or a very remote, relation. Hence, she must be en- 
gaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are es- 
sentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must 
be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, 
in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi- 
nary combinations and collisions of her friendships or en- 
mities. 

" Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables 
us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, 
under an efficient government, the period is not far off when 
we may defy material injury from external annoyance ; when 
we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we 
may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; 
when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making 
acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us 
provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our in" 
terest, guided by* justice, shall counsel. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 225 

"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
Why quit our own, to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by 
interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, 
entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European 
ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice ? 

" It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances 
with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we 
are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as ca- 
pable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold 
the maxim no less applicable to public, than to private af- 
fairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, 
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine 
sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be 
unwise to extend them. 

" Taking cai^e always to keep ourselves, by suitable es- 
tablishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may 
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emer- 
gencies. 

''Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are 
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even 
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial 
hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or pre- 
ferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing 
and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, 
but forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers so disposed, 
in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of 
our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, 
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present cir- 
cumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, 
and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as ex- 
perience and circumstances shall dictate, constantly keeping 
in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested 
favours from another ; that it must pay with a portion of its 
independence for whatever it may accept under that character ; 
that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of 
having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of 
being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. 
There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate 
upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illusion 
which experience must cure, which a just pride ought tQ 
discard. 



226 THE LIFE OF 

" In offering to you, my countrymen, these councils of 
an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make 
the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they 
will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our 
nation from running the course which has hitherto marked 
the destiny of nations. But if I may flatter myself, that they 
may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional 
good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the 
fury of party spirit ; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign 
intrigue ; to guard against the impostures of pretended pa- 
triotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solici- 
tude for your welfare, by w^hich they have been dictated. 

" How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have 
been guided by the principles which have been delineated, 
the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, must 
witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance 
of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself 
to be guided by them. 

" In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my pro- 
clamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. 
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your re- 
presentatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that 
measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any 
attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

*' After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best 
lights I could obtain, I was Avell satisfied that our country, 
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, 
and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral posi- 
tion. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend 
upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and 
firmness. 

" The considerations which respect the right to hold this 
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will 
only observe, that, according to my understanding of the mat- 
ter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belli- 
gerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

" The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, 
without any thing more, from the obligation which justice 
and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it 
is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and 
^mity tov/ard other nations. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON'. 227 

** The inducements of interest for observing that conduct 
will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. 
With me, a predominant motive has been, to endeavour to 
gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent 
institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that de- 
gree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give 
it, humanly speaking, the command of its fortunes. 

" Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, 
I am unconscious of intentional error ; I am nevertheless too 
sensible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may 
have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fer- 
vently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to 
which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope 
that my country will never cease to view them with indul- 
gence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to 
its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent 
abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon 
be to the mansions of rest. 

" Relying on its kindness, in this as in other things, and 
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural 
to a man v^-ho views in it the native soil of himself and his 
progenitors for several generations ; I anticipate, with pleasing 
expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, 
without alloy, the sueet enjoyment of partaking in the midst 
of my fellow-citizens, the benign inlluence of good laws, un- 
der a free government : the ever favourite object of my heart, 
and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, 
and dangers. 

" United States, September 17, 1796." 

This valedictory address of the father of his country, was 
received in every part of the union with the most unbounded 
veneration, and recorded with the most pointed respects 
Shortly afterwards, the president, for the last time, met the 
national legislature in the senate-chamber. His address on 
the occasion was highly dignified. He congratulated con- 
gress on the internal situation of the United States ; on the 
progress which had been made for preserving peace with the 
Indians, and meliorating their condition ; and, after stating- 
the measures whicli had been adopted in execution of the 
treaties with Britain, Spain, and Algiers, and the negotiations 



228 THE LIFE OF 

which were pending wdth Tunis and Tripoli, he observed, 
" To an active external commerce, the protection of a naval 
force ia indispensable. This is manifested with regard to 
wars in which a state is itself a party. — But besides this, it 
is in our own experience, that the most sincere neutrality is 
not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at 
war. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval 
force, organized, and ready to vindicate it from insult or ag- 
gression. This may even prevent the necessity of going to 
war, by discouraging belligerent powers from committing 
such violations of the rights of the neutral party as may first 
or last leave no other option. From the best information I have 
been able to obtain, it would seem as if our trade to the 
Mediterranean, without a protecting force, will always be in- 
secure, and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which 
numbers of them have but just been relieved. 

*' These considerations invite the United States to look to 
the means, and to set about the gradlial creation, of a navy. 
The increasing progress of their navigation, promises them, 
at no distant period, the requisite supply of seamen, and their 
means in other respects, favour the undertaking. It is an 
encouragement, likewise, that their particular situation will 
give weight and influence to a moderate naval force in their 
hands. Will it not then be advisable to begin without de- 
lay, to provide and lay up the materials for the building and 
equipping of ships of war, and to proceed in the work by 
degrees, in proportion as our resources shall render it practi- 
cable, without inconvenience ; so that a future war of Eu- 
rope may not find our commerce in the same unprotected 
state in which it was found by the present ?" 

He then recommended the establishment of national works 
for manufacturing implements of defence ; of an institution 
for the improvement of agriculture ; and pointed out the ad- 
vantages of a military academy ; of a national university; and 
the necessity of augmenting the salaries of the officers of the 
United States. 

In respect to the disputes with France, he observed ; 
*' While, in our external relations, some serious inconveni- 
ences and embarrassments have been overcome, and others 
lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret 1 mention, 
that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 2 

occurred. Our trade has suffered, and is suffering, extensi 
injuries in the West Indies, from the cruisers and agents 
the French republic ; anjj communications have been recei 
ed from its minister here, which indicate the danger of a fur 
ther disturbance of our commerce by its authority ; and 
which are in other respects far from agreeable. 

" It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in 
conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial har- 
mony, and a perfect friendly understanding with that repub- 
lic. This wish remains unabated ; and I shall persevere in 
the endeavour to fulfil it, to the utmost extent of what shall 
be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights 
and honour of our country ; nor will I easily cease to cher- 
ish the expectation, that a spirit of justice, candour, and 
friendship, on the part of the republic, will eventually ensure 
success. 

" In pursuing this course, however, I cannot forget what 
is due to the character of our government and nation, or to a 
full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self- 
respect, and fortitude of my countrymen." 

This address was concluded in the following pathetic 
terms : 

*'The situation in which I now stand for the last time, in 
the midst of the representatives of the people of the United 
States, naturally recalls the period when the administration 
of the present form of government commenced ; and I can- 
not omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on 
the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent sup- 
plications to the supreme Ruler of the universe, and Sove- 
reign Arbiter i)f nations, that his providential care may still 
be extended to the United States ; that the virtue and happi- 
ness of the people may be preserved ; and that the govern- 
ment which they have instituted for the protection of, their 
liberties, may be perpetual." 

U 



230 THE LIFE OF* 



CHAPTER XHI. 

Washington rejoices at the prospect of retiring. Writes to 
the Secretary of State, denying the authenticity of letters 
said to be from him to J. P. Custis and Lund Washing- 
ton, in 1776. Pays respect to his successor, Mr, John 
Adams. Review of Washington's administratioyi. He 
retires to Mount Vernon. Resumes agricultural pursuits. 
Hears with regret the aggressions of the French republic. 
Corresponds on the subject of his taking the command of 
an army to oppose the French. Is appointed Lieutenant- 
General. His commission is sent to him by the secretary 
of war. His letter to president Adams on its receipt. 
Directs the organizatio7i of the proposed army. Thr&e 
envoys extraordiiiary are sent to France, who adjust all 
disputes toith Buonaparte, after the overthrow of the Di- 
rectory. General Washington dies. Is honoured by 
Congress and by the citizens. His character. 

The pleasing emotions whicli are excited in ordinary men. 
on their acquisition of power, were inferior to those whicli 
Washington felt on its resignation. To his tried friend, gen- 
eral Knox, on the day preceding the termination of his-office, 
he observed in a letter : — " To the weary traveller, who sees 
a resting place, and is bending his body thereon, I now com- 
pare myself. Although the prospect of a retirement is most 
grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in 
the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am not 
without regret at parting with, perhaps never more to meet, 
the few intimates whom I love. Among, these, be assured, 
you are one." 

The numerous calumnies, of which Vv^ashington was the 
subject, drew from him no public animadversions, except in 
one case. A volume of letters, said to be from General 
Washington to John Parke Custis and Lund Washington, 
were published by the British, in the year 1776, and were 
given to the public, as being found in a small portmanteau, 
left in the care of his servant, who, it was said by the editors, 
had been taken prisoner in Fort Lee. These letters were 
intended to produce in the public mind, impressions unfa- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231 

vourable to the integrity of Washington's motives, and to 
represent his inclinations at variance with his profession and 
duty. — When the first edition of these spurious letters was 
forgotten, they were republished during Washington's • civil 
administration, by some of his fellow-citizens who differed 
from him in politics. On the morning of the last day of his 
presidency, he addressed a letter to the secretary of state, in 
which, after enumerating all the facts and dates connected 
with the forgery, and declaring that he had hitherto deemed 
it unnecessary to take any formal notice of the imposition, he 
concluded as follows : — " But, as I cannot know how soon a 
more serious event may succeed to that which will this day 
take place, I have thought it a duty that I owed to myself, to 
my country, and to truth, now to detail the circumstances 
above recited, and to add my solemn declaration, that the 
letters herein described, are a base forgery ; and that I never 
saw or heard of them, until they appeared in print. The 
present letter I commit to your care, and desire it may be 
deposited in the office of the department of state, as a testi- 
mony of the truth, to the present generation and to pos- 
terity." 

The moment now approached, which >^as to terminate the 
official character of Washington, and in which that of his 
successor, John Adams, was to commence. The old and 
the new president walked together to the house of represent- 
atives, where the oath of office was administered to the lat- 
ter. On this occasion, Mr. Adams concluded an impressive 
speech, with a handsome compliment to his predecessor, by 
observing, that though he was about to retire, "his name 
may still be a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives, a 
bulwark against all open or secret enemies of his country." 

The immense concourse of citizens who were present, 
gazed with love and affection on the retiring Washington, 
while cheerfulness overspread his countenance, and joy filled 
his heart, on seeing another invested with the high authori- 
ties which he so long exercised, and the way opened for 
his returning to the long desired happiness of domestic pri- 
vate life. After paying his most respectful compliments to 
the new president, he set out for Mount Vernon, the scene 
of enjoyment which he preferred to all others. His wishes 
to travel privately were in vain ; for, wherever he passed, the 



THE LIFE 

j^entlemen of the country took every occasion of testifying 
their respect for him. In his retirement, he continued to re- 
ceive the most flattering addresses from legislative bodies, 
and various classes of his fellow-citizens. 

During the eight years' administration of Washington, the 
United States enjoyed prosperity and happiness at home ; and 
by the energy of the government, regained amongst foreign- 
ers that importance and reputation, which by its weakness 
they had lost. The debts contracted in the revolutionary 
war, which, from the imbecility of the old government, had 
depreciated to an insignificant sum, were funded ; and revenues 
so ample provided for the payment of the interest, and the 
gradual extinction of the principal, that their real and nomi- 
nal value were in a little time nearly the same. The govern- 
ment was so firmly established, as to be cheerfully and 
universally obeyed. The only exception was an insurrection 
in the western counties of Pennsylvania, which was quelled 
without bloodshed. — Agriculture and commerce were extend- 
ed far beyond what had ever before been witnessed in Ameri- 
ca. The Indians on the frontiers had been first compelled by 
force to respect the United States, and to continue in peace; 
and afterwards a humane system was commenced, for teach- 
ing them to exchange the tomahawk and hatchet, for the 
plough, the hoe, the shuttle, and the spinning-wheel. The 
free navigation of the Mississippi had been acquired with the 
consent of Spain, and all differences compromised with that 
power. — The military posts which had been long held by 
Britain w^ithin the United States, were peaceably surrender- 
ed. The Mediterranean was opened to American vessels, 
in consequence of treaties made with the Barbary powers. 
Indeed, differences with all powers, either contiguous to the 
United States, or connected with them, had been amicably 
adjusted, with the exception of France. To accomplish 
this very desirable object, Washington had made repeated 
advances ; but it could not be obtained, without surrender- 
ing the independence of the nation, and its right of self-gov- 
ernment. 

Washington, on returning t» Mount Vernon, resumed 
agricultural pursuits. These, with the society of men and 
books, gave to every hour innocent and interesting employ- 
ment, and promised a serene evening of his life. Though 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 233 

he wished to withdraw, not only from public office, but from 
all anxiety respecting public affairs, yet he felt too much for 
his country, to be indifferent to its interests. He heard with 
regret the repeated insults offered by the French directory to 
the United States, in the persons of their ministers, and the 
injury done to their commerce by illegal captures of their 
vessels. These indignities and injuries, after a long endur- 
ance, and a rejection of all advances for an accommodation, 
at length roused the government, in the hands of Mr. Adams, 
to adopt vigorous, measures. — To be in readiness to repel a 
threatened invasion, congress authorized the formation of a 
regular army. As soon as the adoption of this measure was 
probable, the eyes of all were once more turned on Washing- 
ton, as the most suitable person to be at its head. Letters 
from his friends poured in upon him, urging that he should 
accept the command. To one from president Adams, in 
which it was observed : " We must have your name, if you 
will in any case permit us to use it ; there will be more ef- 
ficacy in it, than in many an army." Washington replied 
as follows : "At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of 
these states by any European power, or even the probability 
of such an event in my days, was so far from being contem- 
plated by me, that I had no conception either that or any 
other occurrence, would arrive in so short a period, which 
could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount Vernon. — But 
this seems to be the age of wonders ; and it is reserved for 
intoxicated and lawless France, for purposes far beyond the 
reach of human ken, to slaughter her own citizens, and to 
disturb the repose of all the world beside. From a view of 
the past ; from the prospect of the present; and of that which 
seems to be expected ; it is not easy for me to decide satis- 
factorily on the part it might best become me to act. In case 
of actual invasion by a formidable force, I certainly should 
not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if 
my services should be required by my country, to assist in 
repelling it. — And if there be good cause to expect such an 
event, which certainly must be better known to the govern- 
ment, than to private citizens, delay in preparing for it may 
be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. 
The uncertainty, however, of the latter, in my mind, creates 
my embarrassment, for I cannot bring it to believe, regard' 

v2 



234 THE LIFE OF 

less as the French are of treaties, and of the laws of nations, 
and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of des- 
potism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this 
country, after such a uniform and unequivocal expression of 
the determination of the people, in all parts, to oppose them 
with their lives and fortunes. — That they have been led to 
believe, by their agents and partisans among us, that we 
are a divided people ; that the latter are opposed to their 
own government ; and that the show of a small force would 
occasion a revolt ; I have no doubt : and how far these men, 
grown desperate, will further attempt to 'deceive, and may 
succeed in keeping up the deception, is problematical. With- 
out that, the folly of the directory in such an attempt, would, 
I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than their wick- 
edness. 

" Having with candour made this disclosure of the state 
of my mind, it remains only for me to add, that to those who 
know me best, it is best known, that should imperious cir- 
cumstances induce me to exchange, once more, the smooth 
paths of retirement for the thorny ways of public life, at a 
period too, when repose is more congenial to nature, tliat it 
would be productive of sensations which can be more easily 
conceived than expressed." 

To the secretar}^ of war, writing on the same subject, 
Washington replied : — " It cannot be necessary for me to pre- 
mise to you, or to others who know my sentiments, that to 
quit the tranquillity of retirement, and enter the boundless 
field of responsibility, would be productive of sensations, 
which a better pen than I possess, would find it difficult to 
describe. Nevertheless, the principle by which my conduct 
has been actuated through life, would not suffer me, in any 
great emergency, to withhold any services I could render, 
when required by my country ; especially in a case where 
its dearest rights are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxi- 
cated power, in contempt of every principle of justice, and 
in violation of solemn compact, and of laws which govern all 
civilized nations; and this too, with the obvious intent to 
sow thick the seeds of disunion, for the purpose of subjugat- 
ing our government, and destroying our independence and 
happiness. 

*' Under circumstances like these, accompanied by an ae- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 235 

tual invasion of our territory, it would be difficult for me, at 
any time to remain an idle spectator, under the plea of 
age or retirement. With sorrow, it is true, I should quit 
the shades of my peaceful abode, and- the ease and happiness 
I now enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, to 
which, possibly, my strength and powers might be found in- 
competent. These, however, should not be stumbling blocks 
in my own way." 

President Adams nominated Washington with the rank of 
lieutenant-general, to the chief command of all the armies 
raised, and to be raised in the United States. His commission 
was sent to him by Mr. M'Henry, the secretary of war, who 
was directed to repair to Mount Vernon, and to confer on the 
arrangements of the new army with its commander-in-chief. 
To the letter which president Adams sent with the commis- 
sion by the secretary of war, Washington in two days replied 
as follows :— 

" I had the honour, on the evening of the 11th instant, to 
receive from the hand of the secretary of war, your favour 
of the 7th, announcing that you had, with the advice and 
consent of the senate, appointed me ' lieutenant-general and 
commander-in-chief of all the armies raised, or to be raised, 
for the service of the United States.' 

" I cannot express how greatly affected I am, at this new 
proof of public confidence, and the highly flattering manner 
in which you have been please^l to make the communication. 
At the same time, I must not conceal from you my earnest 
wish, that the choice had fallen upon a man less declined in 
years, and better qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes 
of war. 

*' You know, sir, what calculation I had made, relative to 
the probable course of events, on my retiring from office, 
and the determination I had consoled myself with, of closing 
the remnant of my days in my present peaceful abode. You 
will, therefore, be at no loss to conceive and appreciate the 
sensations I must have experienced, to bring my mind to any 
conclusion that would pledge me, at so late a period of life, to 
leave scenes I sincerely love, to enter upon the boundless field 
of public action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility. 

** It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of, or in- 
different to, recent transactions. The conduct of the directory 



236 THE LIFE OF 

of France, towards our country ; their insidious hostility to 
its government ; their various practices to withdraw the af- 
fections of the people from it ; the evident tendency of their 
acts, and those of their agents, to countenance and invigorate 
opposition ; their disregard of solemn treaties, and the laws 
of nations ; their war upon our defenceless commerce ; their 
treatment of our ministers of peace; and their demands, 
amounting to tribute ; could not fail to excite in me corres- 
ponding sentiments with those my countrymen have so gen- 
erally expressed in the affectionate addresses to you. Believe 
me, sir, no one can more cordially approve of the wise and 
prudent measures of your administration. They ought to 
inspire universal confidence, and will, no doubt, combined 
with the state of things, call from congress such laws and 
means, as will enable you to meet the full force and extent 
of the crisis. 

" Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and 
endeavoured to avert war, and exhausted to the last drop, 
the cup of reconciliation, we can with pure hearts appeal to 
Heaven for the justice of our cause; and may confidently 
trust the final result to that kind Providence who has here- 
tofore, and so often, signally favoured the people of these 
United States. 

" Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent 
it is upon every person, of every description, to contribute at 
all times to his country's welfare, and especially in a mo- 
ment like the present, when every thing we hold dear and 
sacred is so seriously threatened ; I have finally determined 
to accept the commission of commander-in-chief of the 
armies of the United States ; with the reserve only, that I 
shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situa- 
tion to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by 
the urgency of circumstances. 

" In making this reservation, I beg it to be understood that 
I do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and or- 
ganize the army, which you may think I can afford. I take 
the liberty also to mention, that I must decline having my 
acceptance considered as drawing after it any immediate 
charge upon the public ; or that I can receive any emolu- 
ment annexed to the appointment, before entering into a si- 
tuation to incur expense." 



UjiORGE WASHINGTON. 237 

The time of Washington, after the receipt of this appoint- 
ment, was divided between agricultural pursuits, and the 
cares and attentions imposed by his new office. The or- 
ganization of the army was in a great measure left to him. 
Much of his time was employed in making a proper selec- 
tion of officers, and arranging the whole army in the best 
possible manner to meet the invaders at the water's edge ; 
for he contemplated a system of continued attack, and fre- 
quently observed, " that the enemy must never be permitted 
to gain foothold on the shores of the United States." — Yet 
he always thought»that an actual invasion of the country was 
very improbable. He believed that the hostile measures of 
France had arisen from an expectation that these measures 
would produce a revolution of power in the United States, 
favourable to the views of the French republic; and that 
when the spirit of the Americans was roused, the French 
would give up the contest. Events soon proved that these 
opinions were well founded ; for no sooner had the United 
States armed, than they were treated with respect, and an 
indirect communication was made, that France would ac- 
commodate all matters in dispute, on reasonable terms. — 
Mr. Adams embraced these overtures, and made a second 
appointment of three envoys extraordinary to the French 
republic. These, on repairing to France, found the direc- 
tory overthrown, and the government in the hands of Bona- 
parte, who had taken no part in the disputes which had 
brought the two countries to the verge of war. With him, 
negotiations were commenced, and soon terminated in a pa- 
cific settlement of all differences. The joy to which this 
event gave birth, was great; but in it General Washington 
did not partake, for before accounts arrived of this amicable 
adjustment, he ceased to be numbered with the living. 

On the 13th of December, 1799, his neck and hair werj 
sprinkled with a light rain, while he was out of doors at- 
tending to some improvements on his estate. In the follow- 
ing night, he was seized with an inflammatory affection of 
the windpipe, attended with pain and a difficult deglutition, 
which was soon succeeded by fever, and a laborious respira- 
tion. He was bled in the night, but would not permit his 
family physician to be sent for before day. About eleven 
o'clock in the forenoon, Dr. Craik arrived, and, rightly 



238 THE LIFE OF 

judging that the case was serious, recommended that two 
consulting physicians should be sent for. The united powers 
of all three were in vain; for in about twenty-four hours 
from the time he was in his usual health, he expired, with- 
out a struggle, and in the perfect use of his reason. 

In every stage of his disorder, he believed that he should 
die, and he was so much under this impression, that he sub- 
mitted to the prescriptions of his physicians, more from a 
sense of duty, than an expectation of relief. After he had 
given them a trial, he expressed a wish that he might be 
permitted to die without further interruption. Towards the 
close of his illness, he undressed himself, and went to bed, 
to die. To his friend and physician, Dr. Craik, he said, " I 
am dying, and have been dying for a long time, but I am not 
afraid to die." The equanimity which attended him through 
life, did not forsake him in death. He was the same in that 
moment, as in all the past, magnanimous and firm ; con- 
fiding in the mercy, and resigned to the will of Heaven. He 
submitted to the inevitable stroke with the dignity of a man, 
the calmness of a philosopher, the resignation and confidence 
of a Christian. 

On the 18th, his body, attended by military honours and 
the offices of religion, was deposited in the family vault on 
his estate. 

When intelligence reached congress of the death of 
Washington, they instantly adjourned until the next day, 
when Mr. John Marshall, then a member of the House of 
Representatives, and since chief-justice of the United States, 
and biographer of Washington, addressed the speaker in the 
following words : — 

" The melancholy event which was yesterday announced 
with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Wash- 
ington is no more. The hero, the patriot, the sage of Amer- 
ica; the man on whom, in times of danger, every eye was 
turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now only in his 
own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and 
afllicted people. 

" If, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify re- 
spect for the memory of those whom Heaven has selected 
as its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet such has 
been the uncommon worth, and such the extraordinary in- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^9 

cidents which have marked the life of him whose loss wc 
all deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled by 
the sarrie feelings, call, with one voice, for a public manifest- 
ation of that sorrow, which is so deep and so universal. 

" More than any other individual, and as much as to one 
individual was possible, has he contributed to found this, 
our wide spreading empire, and to give to the western 
world, independence and freedom. 

" Having effected the great object for which he was placed 
at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the 
sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier into the 
citizen. 

" When the. debility of your federal system had become 
manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent 
were dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those pa- 
triots who formed us a constitution, which, by preserving 
the union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate those 
blessings which our revolution had promised to bestow. 

" In obedience to the general voice of his country, calling 
him to preside over a great people, we have seen him once 
more quit the retirement he loved, and, in a season more 
stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise 
determination, pursue the true interests of the nation, and 
contribute more than any other could contribute, to the esta- 
blishment of that system of policy, which will, I trust, yet 
preserve our peace, our honour, and our independence. 

" Having been twice unanimously chosen the chief ma- 
gistrate of a free people, we have seen him at a time when 
his re-election with universal suffrage could not be doubted, 
afford to the world a rare instance of moderation, by with- 
drawing from his station to the peaceful walks of private life. 

" However the public confidence may change, and the 
public reflections fluctuate with respect to others, with re- 
spect to him they have, in war and in peace, in public and 
in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, and as 
constant as his own exalted virtues. 

" Let us then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last tribute of re- 
spect and affection to our departed friend. Let the grand 
council of the nation display those sentiments which the na- 
tion feels. For this purpose, I hold in my hand some reso- 
lutions which I take the liberty of offering to the House. 



240 THE LIFE OP 

*• Resolved, That this House will wait on the president, 
in condolence of this mournful event ; That the speaker's 
chair be shrouded with black, and that the members and 
officers of the house wear black during the session : That a 
committee, in conjunction with one from the Senate, be ap- 
pointed to consider on the most suitable manner of paying 
honour to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, 
and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens." 

The senate of the United States, on the melancholy occa- 
sion, addressed to the president a letter in these words : 

" The senate of the United States respectfully take leave, 
sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss their coun- 
try sustains in the death of General George Washington. 

*' This event, so distressing to all our fellow-citizens, must 
be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated 
with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, sir, to mingle 
our tears with yours. On this occasion, it is manly to weep. 
To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity 
to the world. Our country mourns a father. The Almighty 
Bisposer of human events, has taken from us our greatest 
benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with rev- 
erence to him ' who maketh darkness his pavilion.' 

" With patriotic pride, we review the life of our Washing- 
ton, and compare him with those of other countries who 
have been pre-eminent in fame. Ancient and modern times 
are diminished before him. Greatness and guilt have too 
often been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. 
The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his 
virtues. It reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and 
darkened the splendour of victory. The scene is closed, and 
we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his 
glory ; he has travelled to the end of his journey, and car- 
ried with him an increased weight of honour ; he has depos- 
ited it safely where misfortune cannot tarnish it; where 
malice cannot blast it. Favoured of Heaven, he departed with- 
out exhibiting the weakness of humanity. Magnanimous in 
death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his bright- 
ness. 

** Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, 
his glory is consummated ! Washington yet lives on earth, 
in bis spotless example ; his spirit is in heaven ! 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 241 

** Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic 
general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage. Let 
them teach their children never to forget, that the fruits of 
his labours and his example are their inheritance." 

To this address, the president returned the following an- 
swer : 

" I receive, with the most respectful and affectionate senti- 
ments, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions 
of your regret for the loss our country has sustained in the 
death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. 

" In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this 
melancholy event, you will permit me to say, that I have 
seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of 
his deepest distress, and most trying perplexities. I have 
a;lso attended him in his highest elevation, and most prosper- 
ous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, mode- 
ration, and constancy. 

"Among all our original associates in that memorable 
league of this continent, in 1774, which first expressed the 
sovereign will of a free nation in America, he was the only 
one remaining in the general government. Although with a 
constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he 
thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I feel myself 
alone bereaved of my last brother, yet I derive a strong con- 
solation from the unanimous disposition which appears in all 
ages and classes, to mingl-e their sorrows with mine, on this 
common calamity to the world. 

" The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a compari- 
son with those of other countries, who have been most cele- 
brated and exalted by fame. The attributes and decorations 
of royalty, could only have served to eclipse the majesty of 
those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, 
a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived, 
could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those super- 
ficial minds, who, believing that character and actions are 
marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. — Malice 
could never blast his honour, and envy made him a singular 
exception to her universal rule. For himself, he had lived 
long enough to life and to glory : for his fellow-citizens, if 
tiieir prayers could have been answered, he would have been 

X 



242 THE LIFE OF 

immortal ; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate mo- 
ment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous domin- 
ion of Providence over the passions of men, and the results 
of their actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains 
for me but humWe resignation. 

*' His example is now complete ; and it will teach wisdom 
and virtue to magistrajes, citizens, and men, not only in the 
present age, but in future generations, as long as our history 
shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius 
can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians." 

The committee of both houses, appointed to devise the 
mode by which the nation should express its grief, reported 
the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. 

" Resolved, by the senate and house of representatives of 
the United States of America, in congress assembled, That 
a marble monument be erected by the United States, at the 
capitol of the city of Washington, and that the family of 
General Washington be requested to permit his body to be 
deposited under it, and that the monument be so designed as 
to commemorate the great events of his military and politi- 
cal life : 

" That there be a funeral procession from Congress Hall, to 
the German Lutheran church, in memory of General George 
Washington, on Thursday the 26th inst. and that an oration 
be prepared at the request of congress, to be delivered before 
both houses that day ; and that the president of the senate, 
and speaker of the house of representatives, be desired to 
request one of the members of congress to prepare and deliv- 
er the same : 

** That it be recommended to the people of the United 
States, to wear crape on their left arm, as mourning, for thirty 
days: 

" That the president of the United States be requested to 
direct a copy of these resolutions to be transmitted to Mrs. 
Washington, assuring her of the profound respect congress 
will ever bear for her person and character ; of their condo- 
lence on the late affecting dispensation of Providence ; and 
entreating her assent to the interment of the remains of Gen- 
eral Washington in the manner expressed in the first resolu- 
tion : 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 243 

»' That the president of the United Slates be requested to 
issue his proclamation, notifying to the people throughout the 
United States, the recommendation contained in the third re- 
solution." 

To the letter of president Adams, which transmitted to 
Mrs. Washington the resolution of congress, that she should 
be requested to permit the remains of General Washington 
to be deposited under a marble monument, to be erected in 
the city of Washington, she replied, much in the style and 
manner of her departed husband, and in the following words : 
*' Taught by the great example which I have so long had 
before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public 
will, I must consent to the request made by congress, which 
you have had the goodness to transmit to me ; and in doing 
this, I need not, 1 cannot say, what a sacrifice of individual 
feeling I make to a sense of public duty." 

The honours paid to Washington at the seat of govern- 
ment, were but a small part of the whole. Throughout the 
United States, the citizens generally expressed, in a variety of 
ways, both their grief and their gratitude. Their heartfelt dis- 
tress resembled the agony of a large and affectionate fapiily, 
when a bereaved wife and orphan children mingle their tears 
for the loss of a husband and father. 

The people, from the impulse of their own minds, before 
they knew of similar intentions of their fellow-citizens, or of 
the resolutions of congress for a general mourning, assem- 
bled, and passed resolutions, expressive of their high sense 
of the great worth of the deceased, and their grateful recol- 
lection of his important services. Orations were delivered, 
sermons preached, and elegies written on the melancholy oc- 
casion. The best talents of the nation were employed, both 
in prose and verse, in writing and speaking, to express the 
national grief, and to celebrate the deeds of the departed father 
of his country. — In addition to the public honours, which, 
in the preceding pages, have been mentioned as conferred 
upon Washington in his life-time, there were others, of a 
private nature, which flowed from the hearts of the people, 
and which neither wealth nor power could command. An 
infinity of children were called by his name. This was often 
done by people in the humble walks of life, who had nerer 



244 THE LIFE OF 

seen, nor expected to see him, and who could have no ex- 
pectations of a favour from him. Villages, towns, cities, 
districts, counties, seminaries of learning, and other public 
institutions, were called Washington, in so great numbers, 
and in so great a variety of places, that the name no longer 
answered the end of distinction, unless some local or appro- 
priating circumstances were added to the common appella- 
tion. Adventurous mariners, who discovered islands or coun- 
tries in unexplored regions, availing themselves of the privi- 
lege of discoverers, planted tlie name of the American chief 
in the remotest corners of the globe. 

The person of George Washington was uncommonly tail. 
Mountain air, abundant exercise in the open country, the 
wholesome toils of the chase, and the delightful scenes of 
rural life, expanded his limbs to an unusual, but graceful and 
■well-proportioned size. His exterior suggested to every be- 
holder the idea of strength, united with manly gracefulness. 
His form was noble, and his port majestic : no man could 
approach him but with respect. His frame was robust, his 
constitution vigorous ; and he was capable of enduring great 
fatigue. His passions were naturally strong ; with them, was 
his first conquest, and over them his first victory. — Before he 
undertook to command others, he had thoroughly learned to 
command himself. The powers of his mind were more solid 
than brilliant. Judgment was his forte. To vivacity, wit, 
and the sallies of a lively imagination, he made no preten- 
sions. His faculties resembled those of Aristotle, Bacon, 
Locke, and Newton ; but M^ere very unlike those of Voltaine. 
Possessed of a large proportion of common sense, directed by 
a sound practical judgment, he was better fitted for the exalt- 
ed stations to which he was called, than many others, who, 
to a greater brilliancy of parts, frequently add the eccentrici- 
ties of genius. 

Truth and utility were his objects. He steadily pursued, 
and generally obtained them. With this view, he thought 
much, and closely examined every subject on which he was 
to decide, in all its relations. Neither passion, nor party 
spirit, pride, prejudice, ambition, nor interest, influenced his 
deliberations. In making up his mind on great occasions, 
many of which occurred, in which the fate of the army or 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 245 

nation seemed involved, he sought for information from all 
quarters, revolved the subject by night and by day,* and ex- 
amined it in every point of view. Guided by these lights, 
and influenced by an honest and good heart, he was imper- 
ceptibly led to decisions which were wise and judicious. 
Perhaps no m^ ever Hved, who was so often called upon to 
form a judgment in cases of real difficulty, and who so often 
judged rightly. Engaged in the busy scenes of life, he 
knew human nature, and the most proper methods of accom- 
plishing proposed objects. Of a thousand propositions, he 
knew to distinguish the best, and to select amongst a thou- 
sand, the individual most fitted for his purpose. 

As a military man, he possessed personal courage, and a 
firmness, which neither danger nor difficulty could shake. 
His perseverance overcame every obstacle ; his moderation 
conciliated all opposition ; his genius supplied every resource. 
He knew how to conquer by delay, and deserved true praise 
by despising unmerited censure. Inferior to his adversary 
in the numbers, the equipment, and the discipline of his 
troops, no gi'eat advantage was ever obtained over him, and 
no opportunity to strike an important blow was ever neglected. 
In the most ardent moments of the contest, his prudent firm- 
ness proved the salvation of his country. 

The whole range of history does not present a character, 
on which we can dwell with so entire, unmixed admiration. 
His qualities were so happily blended, and so nicely harmo- 
nized, that the result was a great and perfect whole. 

The integrity of Washington was incorruptible. His prin- 
ciples were free from the contamination of selfish and unwor- 
thy passions. His real and avowed motives were the same. 
His ends were always upright, and his means pure. He was 
a statesman without guile, and his professions both to his fel- 
low-citizens and to foreign nations, were always sincere. No 
circumstances ever induced him to use duplicity. He was an 

* In a letter to general Knox, written after the termination of the revohi- 
tlonary war, Washington observed, "Strange as it may seem, it is neverthe- 
less true, that it was not until lately, I could get the better of my usual custom 
of ruminating as soon as I awoke in the morning, on the business of the ensu- 
ing day ; and of my surprise at ending, after revolving many things in rar 
mind, that I was no longer a public man, or had any thing to da with publi« 
tr£nsaction&" 

x2 



246 THE LIFE OF 

example of the distraction which exists between wisdom and 
cunning ; and his manly, open conduct, was an illustration 
of the soundness of the maxim, '* that honesty is the best 
policy." 

The learning of Washington was of a particular kind. He 
overstepped the tedious forms of schools, and, by the force 
of a correct taste and sound judgment, seized on the great 
ends of learning, without the assistance of those means which 
have been contrived to prepare less active minds for public 
business. By a careful study of the English language ; by 
reading good models of fine writing; and above all, by the 
aid of a vigorous mind ; he made himself master of a pure, 
elegant, and classiciil style. His composition was all nerve ; 
full of correct and manly ideas, which were expressed in 
precise and forcible language. — His answers to the innumer- 
able addresses, which, on all public occasions, poured in upon 
him, were promptly made, handsomely expressed, and always 
contained something appropriate.. His letters to congress ; 
his addresses to that body on the acceptance and resignation 
of his commission ; his general orders, as commander-in- 
chief; his speeches and messages, as president; and, above all, 
his two farewell addresses to the people of the United States ; 
will remain lasting monuments of the goodness of his heart, 
of the wisdom of his head, and of the eloquence of his pen. 

The powers of his' mind were, in some respects, peculiar. 
He was a great, practical, self-taught genius ; with a head to 
devise, and a hand to execute, projects of the first magnitude 
and greatest utility. 

There are few men, of any kind, an<i; still fewer of those 
whom the world calls great, who have not some of their vir- 
tues eclipsed by corresponding vices. But this was not the 
case with General Washington. He had religion without 
austerity, dignity without pride, modesty without diiridence, 
courage without rashness, politeness without affectation, affa- 
bility without familiarity. His private, as well as his public 
character, will bear the strictest scrutiny. He was punctual 
in all his engagements ; upright and honest in his dealings ; 
temperate in his enjoyments ; liberal and hospitable to an emi- 
nent degree ; a lover of order ; systematical and methodical 
in all his arrangements. He was the friend of morality and 



GEORGE WASHINGTON". 24T 

religion; steadily attended public worship; encouraged and 
strengthened the hands of the clergy. In all his public acts, 
he made the most respectful mention of Providence ; and in 
a word, carried the spirit of piety with him, both in his pri- 
vate life and public administration. 

Washington had to form soldiers of freemen, many of whom 
had extravagant ideas of their personal rights. He had often 
to mediate between a starving army, and a high-spirited yeo- 
manry. So great were the necessities of the soldiers under 
^is immediate command, that he was obliged to send out de- 
tachments to seize on the property of the farmers, at the point 
of the bayonet. The language of the soldier was, " Give 
me clothing, give me food, or I cannot fight, I cannot live." 
The language of the farmer was, " Protect my property.*' — 
In this choice of difficulties. General Washington not only kept 
his army together, but conducted his operations with so much 
prudence, as to command the approbation both of the army 
and of the citizens. He was also dependent for much of his 
support on the concurrence of thirteen distinct, unconnected 
legislatures. Animosities prevailed between his southern 
and northern troops, and there were strong jealousies be- 
tween the states from which they respectively came. To 
Jiarmonize these clashing interests, to make uniform arrange- 
ments from such discordant sources and materials, required 
no common share of address. Yet, so great was the effect 
of the modest, unassuming manners of General Washington, 
that he retained the affection of all his troops, and of all the 
states. 

He also possessed equanimity in an eminent degree. 
One even tenor marked the greatness of his mind, in all the 
variety of scenes through which he passed. In the most try- 
ing situations, he never despaired, nor was he ever depressed. 
He was the same when retreating through New Jersey before 
* a victorious enemy, with the remains of his broken army, as 
when marching in triumph into Yorktown, over its demol- 
ished fortifications. The honours and applause which he 
received from his grateful countrymen, would have made al- 
most any other man giddy ; but on him they had no mis- 
chievous effect. He expected none of those attentions; but 
when forced upon him, he received them as favours, with the 



248 THE LIFE OF 

politeness of a well-bred man. He was great in deserving 
them, but much greater in not being elated by them. 

The patriotism of Washington was of the most ardent 
kind, and without alloy. He was very different from those 
noisy patriots, who, with love of country in their mouths, 
and hell in their hearts, lay their schemes for aggrandizing 
themselves at every hazard ; but he was one of those who 
love their country in sincerity, and who hold themselves 
bound to consecrate all their talents to its service. Numer- 
ous were the difficulties with which he had to contend. Gre^t 
were the dangers which he had to encounter. Various were 
the toils and services in which he had to share ; but to all 
difficulties and dangers, he rose superior. To all toils and 
services, he cheerfully submitted for his country's good. 

In principle, Washington was a federal republican, and a 
republican federalist. Liberty and law, the rights of man, 
and the control of government, were equally dear to him, 
and in his opinion, equally necessary to political happiness. 
He was devoted to that system of equal political rights, on 
which the constitution of his country was founded ; but 
thought that real liberty could be maintained only by pre- 
serving the authority of the laws, and giving tone and energy 
to government. He conceived that there was an immense 
difference betv/een a balanced republic, and a tumultuous 
democracy, or a faction calling themselves the people ; and 
a still greater, between a patriot and a demagogue. — He 
highly respected the deliberate sentiments of the people, but 
their sudden ebullitions made no impression on his well bal- 
anced mind. Trusting for support to the sober thoughts of 
the nation, he had the magnanimity to pursue its real in- 
terests, in opposition to prevailing prejudices. He placed 
a proper value on popular favour, but could never stoop to 
gain it by a sacrifice of duty, by artifice, or flattery. In 
critical times, he committed his well-earned popularity to 
hazard, and steadily pursued the line of conduct which was 
dictated by a sense of duty, against an opposing popular tor- 
rent. 

While war raged in Europe, the hostile nations would 
scarcely endure a neutral. America was in great danger of 
being drawn, by force or intrigue, into the vortex. Strong 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 249 

parties in the United States, rendered the danger more im- 
minent ; and it required a temperate, but inflexible govern- 
ment, to prevent the evil. In this trying state of things, 
Washington was not to be moved from the true interests of 
his country. His object was America, and her interest was 
to remain in peace. Faction at home, and intrigue and menace 
from abroad, endeavoured to shake him, but in vain ; he re- 
mained firm and immoveable in the storm that surrounded 
him. — Foreign intrigue was defeated, and foreign insolence 
was repressed by his address and vigour ; while domestic 
faction, dashing against him, broke itself to pieces. He met 
the injustice, both of Britain and France, by negotiation,, 
rather than by war, but maintained towards both, that firm 
attitude which was proper for the magistrate of a free state. 
He commanded their respect, and preserved the tranquillity 
of his country. In his public character, he knew no nation, 
but as friends in peace, as enemies in war. Towards one, 
he forgot ancient animosities, when the recollection of them 
opposed the interests of his country. Towards another, he 
renounced a fantastic gratitude, when it was claimed only to 
involve his nation in war. 

With Washington, it was an invariable maxim of policy, 
to secure his country against the injustice of foreign nations, 
by being in a condition to command their respect, and punish 
their aggressions. The defence of our commerce, the forti- 
fication of the ports, and the organization of a military force, 
were objects to which he paid particular attention. To the 
gradual formation of an American army, he was friendly; 
and also to the military institutions, which are calculated to 
qualify the youth of the country for its defence. War, he de- 
precated, as a great evil, inferior only to the loss of honour and 
character ; but thought that it was most easily avoided by beings 
ready for it, while, by the practice of universal justice, none 
could have any real ground of complaint. — In foreign trans- 
actions, his usual policy was to cultivate peace with all the 
world ; to observe treaties with pure and absolute faith, — to 
check every deviation from the line of impartiality ; to explain 
what was misapprehended, and to eorre&t what was injurious ; 
and then to insist upon justice being dane to the nation over 
which he presided. In controversies with foreign nations^ it 



250 THE LIFE OF 

was his favourite maxim so to behave towards them, " as to 
put them in the wrong." 

In his transactions with the Indian tribes, Washington was 
guided by justice, humanity, and benevolence. His authority 
and influence were exerted to restrain the licentious white 
contiguous settlers from injuring their red neighbours. To 
supply their wants and prevent impositions, he strongly 
urged the erection of trading houses in their settlements, from 
which they were furnished by government with goods at first 
cost. The unprincipled were restrained from preying on 
their ignorance, by excluding all but licensed persons, with 
good characters, from trading with them. All this was done 
to pave the way for their civilization. 

When Washington commenced his civil administration, 
the United States were without any efficient government. 
After they had adopted one of their choice, and placed him 
at its head, he determined that it should be respected. By 
his firmness, order was soon established. There was one 
exception. The western counties of Pennsylvania rose in 
arms to resist the law for raising a revenue, by an excise on 
domestic distilled ardent spirits. On this occasion, the fixed 
resolution of Washington was, that whatever expense it might 
cost, whatever inconvenience it might occasion, the people 
must be taught obedience, and the authority of the laws re- 
established. To secure this object, peculiarly important in 
the infancy of the new government, he ordered out, and put 
himself at the head of an ample force, calculated to render 
resistance desperate, and thereby to save the lives of his fel- 
low citizens. 

In consequence of so decided measures, the insurgents dis- 
persed, and peace and order were restored without bloodshed. 
The necessity of subordination was impressed on the citizens, 
and the firmness of Washington's personal character was 
communicated to the government. 

Having accomplished every object for which he re-entered 
public life, he gave, for the second time, the rare example of 
voluntarily descending from the first station in the universe ; 
the head of a free people, placed there by their unanimous 
sufi'rage. To the pride of reigning, his soul was superior. 
To its labours, he submitted onl^ for his country. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 251 

Rulers of the world ! learn from Washington wherein true 
glory consists. Restrain your ambition. Consider your pow- 
er as an obligation to do good. Let the world have peace, 
and prepare for yourselves, the enjoyment of that ecstatic 
pleasure, which will result from devoting all your energies 
to the advancement of human happiness. 

Citizens of the United States ! While with grateful hearts 
you recollect the virtues of your Washington, carry your 
, thoughts one step farther. On a review of his life, and of 
all the circumstances of the times in which he lived, you 
must be convinced, that a kind Providence in its beneficence 
raised him, and endowed him with extraordinary virtues, to 
be to you an instrument of great good. None but such a 
man could have carried you successfully through the revolu- 
tionary times which tried men's souls, and ended in the es- 
tablishment of your independence. None but such a man 
could have braced up your government after it had become so 
contemptible, from the imbecility of the federal system. None 
but such a man could have saved your country from being 
plunged into war, either with the greatest naval power in 
Europe, or with that which is most formidable by land, in 
consequence of your animosity against the one, and your par- 
tiality in favour of the other. 

Youths of the United States ! Learn from Washington 
what may be done by an industrious improvement of your 
talents, and the cultivation of your moral powers. Without 
any extraordinary advantages from birth, fortune, patronage, 
or even of education, he, by virtue and industry, attained the 
highest seat in the temple of fame. You cannot all be com* 
manders of armies, or chief magistrates ; but you may all 
resemble him in the virtues of private and domestic life, in 
which he excelled, and in which he most delighted. Equally 
industrious with his plough, as with his sword, he esteemed 
idleness and inutility as the greatest disgrace of man, whose 
powers attain perfection only by constant and vigorous ac- 
tion. — Washington, in private life, was as amiable as vir- 
tuous ; and as great as he appeared sublime, on the public 
theatre of the world. He lived in the discharge of all the 
civil, social, and domestic offices of life. He was temperate 
in his desires, and faithful to his duties. For more than 



252 THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASmNGTON. 

forty years of happy wedded love, his high example strength- 
ened the tone of public manners. He had more real enjoy- 
ment in the bosom of his family, than in the pride of militxiry 
command, or in the pomp of sovereign power. 

On the whole, his life affords the brightest model for imi- 
tation, not only to warriors and statesmen, but to private 
citizens ; for his character was a constellation of all the tal- 
ents and virtues which dignify or adorn human nature. 

" He was a man, take him for all in all, 
We ne'er shall look upon his like again." 

Sliakespeare. 



THE END. 






